A história

Richard N. Goodwin

Richard N. Goodwin


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Richard Goodwin nasceu em Boston em 7 de dezembro de 1931. Formou-se na Tufts University em 1953. Em seguida, foi estudar direito na Harvard University.

Goodwin ingressou na Ordem dos Advogados do Estado de Massachusetts em 1958. Ele trabalhou para Felix Frankfurter antes de ser nomeado conselheiro especial do Subcomitê de Supervisão Legislativa da Câmara dos Representantes dos EUA.

Em 1959, John F. Kennedy nomeou Goodwin como membro de sua equipe de redatores de discursos. No ano seguinte, ele se tornou o conselheiro especial assistente de Kennedy. Goodwin também foi membro da Força-Tarefa de Kennedy para Assuntos Latino-Americanos e, em 1961, foi nomeado Subsecretário de Estado Adjunto para Assuntos Interamericanos, cargo que ocupou até 1963. Como um dos especialistas de Kennedy em assuntos latino-americanos, Goodwin ajudou desenvolver a Alliance for Progress, um programa de desenvolvimento econômico para a América Latina. Goodwin também serviu como secretário-geral do International Peace Corps.

Após a morte de Kennedy, Goodwin se juntou à equipe do presidente Lyndon B. Johnson, onde trabalhou como redator de discursos e consultor. Goodwin renunciou em 1965 e tornou-se membro do Centro de Estudos Avançados da Wesleyan University em Middletown, Connecticut, e professor visitante de relações públicas no Instituto de Tecnologia de Massachusetts.

Goodwin continuou envolvido na política e escreveu discursos para os candidatos presidenciais Robert Kennedy, Eugene McCarthy e Edmund Muskie. Ele também escreveu para várias revistas, incluindo O Nova-iorquino e Pedra rolando. Ele também publicou Os Fitzgeralds e os Kennedys (1986) e Remembering America (1988).

Em março de 2001, Goodwin foi membro de uma delegação dos Estados Unidos que visitou o cenário da batalha da Baía dos Porcos. O grupo incluiu Arthur Schlesinger (historiador), Robert Reynolds (chefe da estação da CIA em Miami durante a invasão), Jean Kennedy Smith (irmã de John F. Kennedy), Alfredo Duran (veterano da Baía dos Porcos) e Wayne S. Smith ( Secretário Executivo de sua Força-Tarefa para a América Latina).

Richard N. Goodwin, que escreveu discursos para Kennedy durante a campanha de 1960 e o acompanhou até a Casa Branca, descreveu Robert Kennedy como "totalmente homem de seu irmão. Ele era um cara cujo objetivo básico na vida era promover e proteger a carreira de John Kennedy. " Em uma entrevista para este livro em 1997, Goodwin lembrou de um encontro entre o presidente e um grupo de senadores do sul na varanda da Casa Branca. Um dos senadores "inclinou-se para a frente e disse: 'Bem, senhor presidente, receio que terei de atacá-lo pelos direitos civis. E Kennedy disse:' Você não pode atacar Bobby em vez disso? ' Bobby desempenhou esse papel ", explicou Goodwin. O Kennedy mais jovem "estava sempre refletindo os sentimentos de seu irmão"

Goodwin também estava presente em uma reunião na Casa Branca após a Baía dos Porcos, quando Bobby atacou um alto funcionário do Departamento de Estado que, após o fato, disse a um repórter que se opunha à invasão. "Eu vi Bobby simplesmente atacá-lo", lembrou Goodwin. "` Você não pode prejudicar meu irmão. " E John Kennedy apenas ficou sentado lá em silêncio, nunca disse uma palavra durante todo o tempo. Mas não tenho dúvidas de que Bobby estava refletindo as conversas que os dois tiveram.

O presidente Fidel Castro sentou-se ao lado de ex-agentes da CIA, assessores do presidente Kennedy e membros da equipe de exilados que atacou seu país há quatro décadas, quando ex-adversários se reuniram na quinta-feira para examinar o desastroso desembarque na Baía dos Porcos.

Vestido com seu tradicional uniforme verde oliva, Castro leu divertido os antigos documentos dos EUA em torno da invasão de Cuba em 1961 por exilados treinados pela CIA, o que ajudou a moldar quatro décadas da política dos EUA em Cuba. Alguns dos documentos eram análises de um castrista jovem e carismático.

Castro chegou pela manhã enquanto os protagonistas se sentavam para iniciar uma conferência de três dias sobre a invasão. Participantes da reunião - que foi fechada à mídia - disseram que ele ainda estava lá à noite.

O presidente cubano cumprimentou pessoalmente o ex-assessor de Kennedy e historiador americano Arthur Schlesinger, mas não fez nenhuma declaração pública.

Os participantes disseram mais tarde que, a certa altura, Castro leu em voz alta um memorando outrora secreto para Kennedy sobre sua própria visita aos Estados Unidos como o novo líder de Cuba em 1959.

"` Seria um erro grave subestimar este homem '', leu Castro com um sorriso, disse Thomas Blanton, do Arquivo de Segurança Nacional da Universidade George Washington.

“Com toda sua aparência de ingenuidade, insofisticação e ignorância em muitos assuntos, ele é claramente uma personalidade forte e um líder nato de grande coragem e convicção pessoal '' ', leu Castro, de acordo com Blanton.'` `Embora certamente o conheçamos melhor do que antes, Castro continua um enigma. '' '

Blanton disse que Castro disse ao grupo que acredita que o objetivo real da invasão não é provocar um levante contra seu governo, mas preparar o terreno para uma intervenção dos EUA em Cuba. Blanton disse que um membro da ex-equipe de exilados, Alfredo Duran, concordou.

Entre os documentos recentemente divulgados sobre os dias 17 e 19 de abril de 1961, o evento foi a primeira declaração escrita conhecida da Agência Central de Inteligência (notícias - sites) pedindo o assassinato de Castro.

Em um documento divulgado na quinta-feira em conexão com a conferência, o líder soviético Nikita Khrushchev alertou Kennedy em uma carta enviada um dia após o início da invasão que a "pequena guerra" em Cuba "poderia provocar uma reação em cadeia em todas as partes do globo. ''

Khrushchev fez um "apelo urgente" a Kennedy para que acabasse com a "agressão" contra Cuba e disse que seu país estava preparado para fornecer a Cuba "toda a ajuda necessária" para repelir o ataque.

Treinada pela CIA na Guatemala, a Brigada 2506 era composta por cerca de 1.500 exilados determinados a derrubar o governo de Castro, que havia tomado o poder 28 meses antes.

A invasão de três dias falhou. Sem o apoio aéreo dos EUA e sem munição, mais de 1.000 invasores foram capturados. Outros 100 invasores e 151 defensores morreram.

Blanton chamou a conferência de "uma vitória sobre uma história amarga".

Outras figuras americanas importantes presentes foram Robert Reynolds, chefe da estação da CIA em Miami durante a invasão; Wayne Smith, então diplomata dos EUA em Havana; e Richard Goodwin, outro assistente de Kennedy, que, com Schlesinger, considerou a invasão imprudente.

Do lado do governo cubano estavam o vice-presidente Jose Ramon Fernandez, um general aposentado que liderou as tropas de defesa na praia conhecida como Playa Giron, e muitos outros militares aposentados.

Ex-inimigos que lutaram entre si há 40 anos revisitaram juntos o local de uma das principais batalhas da Guerra Fria, a Baía dos Porcos, no sul de Cuba.

A visita foi o culminar de uma conferência de três dias destinada a investigar as causas do conflito, o que deu tão errado para as forças apoiadas pelos EUA e as lições a serem aprendidas com isso.

Entre os participantes estavam historiadores de Cuba e dos Estados Unidos, Arthur Schlesinger e Richard Goodwin - ambos ex-assessores do então presidente dos Estados Unidos, John Kennedy - soldados de ambos os lados e o próprio presidente Fidel Castro.

Durante os primeiros dois dias em Havana, foram trocados documentos anteriormente classificados.

Nos jornais cubanos havia transcrições das comunicações telefônicas entre o presidente Castro e seus comandantes militares durante a batalha.

Eles mostraram o quanto ele estava envolvido, a tensão do momento e a alegria quando, após mais de 60 horas de luta, ficou claro que a invasão havia sido derrotada.

Os documentos dos EUA traçam em detalhes a humilhação sentida pela natureza da derrota e o constrangimento causado ao presidente Kennedy.

Um jornal do Departamento de Estado atribui a culpa pelo desastre diretamente à CIA, que treinou a força de invasão.

Dizia: "A causa fundamental do desastre foi o fracasso da Agência em dar ao projeto, não obstante sua importância e sua imensa potencialidade de causar danos aos Estados Unidos, o tratamento de primeira linha de que necessitava".

Ele acrescentou: "Houve falha em níveis elevados em concentrar um escrutínio informado e inabalável sobre o projeto."

No rescaldo da missão fracassada, outro jornal dos EUA apresenta os primeiros planos para desestabilizar o governo cubano - um plano que ficou conhecido como Operação Mongoose.

Isso incluiu uma série de esquemas bizarros, incluindo um para colocar pó nos sapatos de Fidel Castro para fazer sua barba cair e outro que incluiu charutos explodindo.

O documento sugeria que o comandante mais eficaz dessa operação seria o então procurador-geral, irmão do presidente, Robert Kennedy.

Entre os que buscavam respostas em Cuba estava a irmã de Kennedy, Jean Kennedy Smith.

Caminhando pelas praias da Baía dos Porcos, ela disse que a conferência foi um grande impulso para ajudar a trazer a paz entre Cuba e os Estados Unidos.

Outro delegado dos Estados Unidos foi Alfredo Duran, integrante da força invasora há 40 anos.

Ele enfrentou o homem que tentou derrubar, Fidel Castro, assim como outros defensores cubanos.

Estando na praia, disse: "Este foi um momento muito emocionante, especialmente discutindo com o coronel encarregado da operação os combates muito intensos que ocorreram neste local."

As praias ao longo da Baía dos Porcos, no sul de Cuba, estão agora repletas de espreguiçadeiras e cercadas por hotéis de luxo.

Mas há muito para lembrar ao visitante que este foi o cenário de uma importante batalha ... para os cubanos, a vitória de um pequeno país contra um opressor imperialista.

Para os americanos foi uma derrota humilhante que ajudou a delinear sua estratégia da Guerra Fria para a próxima geração e sua política em relação a Cuba até agora ...

Houve muita conversa na conferência sobre como o presidente Kennedy estava relutante em apoiar a invasão.

Um de seus ex-assessores que veio a Havana, Arthur Schlesinger, disse que o presidente se sentiu obrigado a ir em frente, pois herdou o plano do governo Eisenhower anterior.

"Aconselhei contra isso", disse Schlesinger, "mas meu conselho não foi ouvido."

Após a invasão fracassada, todas as esperanças de reconciliação com os Estados Unidos morreram e o presidente Castro se aproximou do campo soviético.

A tensão aumentou, culminando no ano seguinte com a crise dos mísseis cubanos, quando a União Soviética tentou estacionar mísseis nucleares em Cuba, apontando para os Estados Unidos.


Obituário para Richard N. Goodwin

Richard "Dick" Naradof Goodwin foi um autor, dramaturgo e ex-conselheiro político e redator de discursos da Casa Branca para os presidentes John F. Kennedy e Lyndon B. Johnson, e para o senador Robert F. Kennedy, morreu pacificamente após um breve ataque de câncer no domingo noite 20 de maio em sua casa, rodeado por sua família e amigos. Ele tinha 86 anos.

O Sr. Goodwin elaborou o que são amplamente considerados alguns dos maiores e mais influentes discursos presidenciais da história americana, incluindo os direitos civis de Lyndon Johnson "We Shall Overcome" e os discursos da Great Society, os discursos latino-americanos de John F. Kennedy e Robert Kennedy " ondulação de esperança "na África do Sul em 1966.

O Sr. Goodwin foi o autor de quatro livros, incluindo The American Condition, Promises To Keep: A Call For A New American Revolution e suas memórias, Remembering America: A Voice From the Sixties, que foi relançado em formato de e-book em julho 2014. Remembering America é uma história inspiradora que evoca as esperanças, sonhos e ideais de uma década extraordinária e turbulenta.

Em Lembrando a América, o Sr. Goodwin narrou sua experiência como advogado especial do Subcomitê de Supervisão Legislativa da Câmara dos Representantes dos Estados Unidos, durante a qual conduziu a agora conhecida investigação do escândalo do Twenty One Quiz Show. Sua história foi a base para o filme de Robert Redford, Quiz Show, de 1994, e ele foi interpretado pelo ator Rob Morrow, vencedor do Golden Globe®. Quiz Show foi indicado para quatro Oscars®, incluindo Melhor Filme, e quatro para o Globo de Ouro®.

O Sr. Goodwin escreveu uma peça, muitos artigos para a The New Yorker e Rolling Stone e vários editoriais para o The New York Times, The Boston Globe e Los Angeles Times, entre outros. Ele foi freqüentemente chamado para oferecer reflexões e análises para documentários, artigos e livros sobre as administrações Kennedy e Johnson.

Sua peça The Hinge of the World é um drama fascinante sobre o confronto entre Galileo Galilei e o Papa Urbano VIII, publicada pela Farrar Straus & Giroux e apresentada como uma produção teatral internacional no Yvonne Arnaud Theatre em Guildford, Inglaterra, e em o Huntington Theatre em Boston, onde foi renomeado Two Men of Florence. A peça foi adaptada pela roteirista Alyssa Hill para um longa-metragem atualmente em desenvolvimento na Gulfstream Pictures, da Warner Bros.

O Sr. Goodwin formou-se summa cum laude pela Tufts University e pela Harvard Law School. Ele recebeu o prestigioso Diploma Fay da Harvard Law School. O Sr. Goodwin atuou como assessor jurídico do juiz associado da Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos, Felix Frankfurter, antes de ser nomeado conselheiro especial do Subcomitê de Supervisão Legislativa da Câmara dos Representantes dos EUA.

Goodwin, com apenas 29 anos, entrou na Casa Branca como assessor do presidente John F. Kennedy, tendo viajado pela primeira vez com o então candidato presidencial Kennedy e escrevendo discursos para sua campanha. Após a eleição de Kennedy, o Sr. Goodwin serviu como Conselheiro Especial Adjunto do Presidente e como um especialista-chave na Força-Tarefa do Presidente Kennedy para assuntos latino-americanos, originando a Aliança para o Progresso e se reunindo em segredo com Che Guevara no Uruguai em agosto de 1961. Sr. Goodwin também serviu como Subsecretário de Estado Adjunto para Assuntos Interamericanos e Secretário-Geral do Corpo Internacional da Paz.

Após o assassinato do presidente Kennedy, o Sr. Goodwin serviu como assistente especial do presidente Lyndon B. Johnson, onde formulou o conceito da Grande Sociedade e redigiu muitos dos principais discursos e mensagens do presidente Johnson que tratam dos direitos civis. O presidente Johnson pediu ao Sr. Goodwin que escrevesse seu discurso histórico sobre os direitos civis de 1965, que ficou conhecido como o discurso "Devemos Superar" que o presidente Johnson proferiu em 15 de março de 1965 na sessão conjunta do Congresso dos Estados Unidos. Este discurso foi a pedra angular do progresso para o direito de voto e o Voting Rights Act de 1965, que o presidente Johnson assinou cinco meses depois.

O "arquetípico New Frontiersman" é como Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. descreveu no Sr. Goodwin em seu livro A Thousand Days. "Goodwin foi o generalista supremo que poderia passar da América Latina para salvar os Monumentos do Nilo, dos direitos civis ao planejamento de um jantar na Casa Branca para os ganhadores do Prêmio Nobel, da composição de uma paródia de Norman Mailer à redação de uma peça de legislação, de almoçar com um juiz da Suprema Corte para jantar com Jean Seberg - e, ao mesmo tempo, manter um espírito insaciável de liberalismo sardônico e impulso incessante para fazer as coisas. "

O Sr. Goodwin renunciou à Casa Branca em 1966, juntando-se ao Movimento Antiguerra dos EUA. Ele dirigiu brevemente a campanha presidencial de Eugene McCarthy em New Hampshire e Wisconsin, e escreveu discursos para o candidato à presidência Edmund S. Muskie, antes de se juntar à campanha presidencial do senador Robert F. Kennedy. O Sr. Goodwin estava com o senador Kennedy em Los Angeles quando ele foi morto em 1968. O Sr. Goodwin ajudou a redigir o discurso de concessão presidencial do vice-presidente Al Gore em 2000.

O Sr. Goodwin recebeu muitos prêmios e homenagens, incluindo a homenagem distinta americana da Biblioteca John F. Kennedy, o Prêmio de Liderança Pública do Aspen Institute e títulos honorários da Tufts University, UMass Lowell e Hebrew Union College.

O Sr. Goodwin estava trabalhando em seu próximo livro. Ele morou em Concord, Massachusetts, com sua esposa de 42 anos, a historiadora presidencial e autora vencedora do Prêmio Pulitzer Doris Kearns Goodwin, com quem tem dois filhos, Michael e Joseph. O Sr. Goodwin tem um filho, Richard, de um casamento anterior. Os Goodwins têm duas netas, Willa e Lena.

Família e amigos se reunirão para homenagear e lembrar o Sr. Goodwin na sexta-feira, 15 de junho, às 12h na Primeira Paróquia em Concord, 20 Lexington Road, Concord, MA

A bandeira da cidade de Concord será hasteada a meio mastro na sexta-feira, 15 de junho, em homenagem ao serviço prestado pelo Sr. Goodwin a seu país no Exército dos Estados Unidos.


Carreira [editar | editar fonte]

Início da carreira [editar | editar fonte]

Depois de trabalhar para o juiz Felix Frankfurter da Suprema Corte dos EUA, Goodwin tornou-se advogado do Comitê da Câmara sobre Comércio Interestadual e Estrangeiro, onde Goodwin estava envolvido na investigação de escândalos de programas de perguntas e respostas, particularmente o Vinte e um escândalo. & # 912 & # 93 & # 917 & # 93 Este caso forneceu a história para o filme de 1994 Show de perguntas, em que Goodwin foi interpretado pelo ator Rob Morrow. & # 912 e # 93

Administração Kennedy [editar | editar fonte]

Goodwin se juntou à equipe de redatores de discursos de John F. Kennedy em 1959. & # 915 & # 93 O redator de discursos do companheiro Kennedy, Ted Sorensen, tornou-se um mentor de Goodwin. & # 914 & # 93 Goodwin foi um dos membros mais jovens & # 918 & # 93 do grupo de "New Frontiersmen" que aconselhou Kennedy. Outros incluíam Fred Dutton, Ralph Dungan, Kenneth O'Donnell e Harris Wofford, todos subordinados 37 anos. & # 919 e # 93

Em 1961, depois que Kennedy se tornou presidente, Goodwin tornou-se conselheiro especial assistente do presidente e membro da Força-Tarefa para Assuntos Latino-Americanos. Mais tarde naquele ano, Kennedy o nomeou subsecretário de Estado adjunto para Assuntos Interamericanos. Goodwin ocupou este cargo até 1963. Goodwin alegadamente se opôs à invasão da Baía dos Porcos, tentando sem sucesso persuadir Kennedy a não ordenar a operação. & # 913 & # 93 Em agosto de 1961, Goodwin fazia parte de uma delegação chefiada pelo secretário do Tesouro dos Estados Unidos, Douglas Dillon, que foi enviada ao Uruguai para participar de uma conferência de ministros de finanças da América Latina. & # 9110 & # 93 & # 9111 & # 93 O tema em discussão foi a Aliança para o Progresso, que foi endossada por representantes de todos os países, exceto o representante cubano Che Guevera. No entanto, Guevera não tinha intenção de voltar para casa de mãos vazias, pois percebeu que Goodwin fumava charutos durante as reuniões e, por meio de um intermediário, o desafiou, sugerindo que ele não ousaria fumar um charuto cubano. Goodwin aceitou o desafio e, subsequentemente, um presente de charutos em uma caixa de mogno polido elaborado chegou de Guevera. Guevera expressou seu desejo de conversar informalmente com Goodwin, e Goodwin recebeu permissão do secretário do Tesouro Dillon. No entanto, durante o último dia da conferência, Guevera fez críticas à imprensa sobre a Aliança para o Progresso e, sendo o único representante a fazê-lo, falando apaixonadamente sobre o assunto, foi ofuscando o antigo - O banqueiro da Wall Street, Dillon. Dillon retirou seu acordo para o encontro de Guevera e Goodwin. No entanto, Guevera perseverou e Goodwin concordou em ouvir, mas enfatizou que não tinha nenhum poder de negociação real. & # 9110 & # 93

Mais tarde naquela noite, em uma festa, as autoridades brasileiras e argentinas atuaram como intermediários Guevera e Goodwin foram apresentados, e foram para uma sala separada para que pudessem conversar. Em tom de brincadeira, Guevera "agradeceu" a Goodwin pela invasão da Baía dos Porcos, ocorrida apenas alguns meses antes, pois só havia solidificado o apoio a Fidel. O gelo foi quebrado e os dois idealistas, ambos dentro de alguns anos de 30 e sentados quase joelho com joelho, falaram durante a noite. Embora entendessem que seus países não estavam destinados a ser aliados amigáveis, eles se concentraram no que poderiam realizar em prol da paz. Goodwin achou Guevera muito aberto e honesto. No final das contas, eles chegaram à conclusão não obrigatória de que se Cuba estivesse disposta a desistir de formar qualquer aliança militar com a URSS, nem tentar ajudar revolucionários em outros países latino-americanos, a América estaria disposta a parar de tentar remover Castro pela força e levantar o embargo comercial a Cuba e vice-versa. Eles concordaram em revelar sua conversa apenas a seus respectivos líderes, Castro e Kennedy. & # 9110 & # 93

Depois de retornar do Uruguai, Goodwin escreveu um memorando para Kennedy sobre a reunião, & # 912 & # 93, onde ele declarou o quão bem-sucedido ele foi em convencer Guevara de que ele era um membro da "nova geração" de Guevara e como Guevara também enviou outra mensagem a Goodwin onde ele descreveu seu encontro "bastante lucrativo." & # 9112 & # 93 Embora a reunião tenha causado um "pequeno furor político", & # 913 & # 93 O presidente Kennedy ficou finalmente satisfeito com o resultado dos esforços de Goodwin e foi o primeiro a fumar um dos charutos cubanos contrabandeados que Goodwin trouxera de volta. "'Eles são bons?' perguntou o presidente. 'Eles são os melhores', respondeu Goodwin, fazendo com que Kennedy abrisse imediatamente o presente de Guevera e provasse um dos Havanas. " & # 9110 & # 93 Goodwin também fez um trabalho significativo na Casa Branca de Kennedy para realocar monumentos egípcios antigos que estavam ameaçados de destruição na construção da represa de Aswan, incluindo os templos de Abu Simbel. & # 913 & # 93 Historiador Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., em seu livro Mil dias: John F. Kennedy na Casa Branca, chamado Goodwin de "o generalista supremo" que poderia:

". passar da América Latina para salvar os monumentos do Nilo, dos direitos civis ao planejamento de um jantar na Casa Branca para os ganhadores do Prêmio Nobel, da composição de uma paródia de Norman Mailer à redação de uma legislação, do almoço com um juiz da Suprema Corte ao jantar com [a atriz] Jean Seberg - e ao mesmo tempo manter um espírito insaciável de liberalismo sardônico e desejo incessante de fazer as coisas. " & # 912 e # 93

Administração Johnson [editar | editar fonte]

Goodwin em 1965 (à esquerda), com Bill Moyers e o presidente Johnson no Salão Oval.

De 1963 a 1964, Goodwin serviu como secretário-geral do Secretariado do Corpo da Paz Internacional. & # 915 & # 93 Em 1964, ele se tornou assistente especial do presidente no governo Lyndon B. Johnson. & # 915 & # 93 Goodwin recebeu o crédito por nomear a agenda legislativa de Johnson de "a Grande Sociedade", um termo usado pela primeira vez por Johnson em um discurso de maio de 1964. & # 912 & # 93 Embora Goodwin tenha contribuído para um discurso para Johnson delineando o programa, & # 913 & # 93 Bill Moyers, outro conselheiro da Johnson, foi o autor principal do discurso. & # 9115 & # 93

Goodwin escreveu discursos para Johnson reagindo ao Domingo Sangrento, a violenta repressão policial de manifestantes pelos direitos civis na ponte Edmund Pettus (1965) & # 912 & # 93 e pedindo a aprovação da Lei de Direitos de Voto de 1965. & # 913 & # 93 Goodwin foi também um dos redatores do Discurso do Dia da Afirmação de Robert F. Kennedy (1966), o discurso da "onda de esperança" em que Kennedy denunciou o apartheid na África do Sul. & # 913 & # 93 Goodwin foi uma figura chave na criação da Alliance for Progress, um programa dos EUA para estimular o desenvolvimento econômico na América Latina, & # 915 & # 93 e escreveu um importante discurso para Johnson sobre o assunto. & # 913 & # 93

Carreira após o governo [editar | editar fonte]

Em setembro de 1965, Goodwin renunciou ao cargo que ocupava na Casa Branca por causa de sua desilusão com a Guerra do Vietnã. & # 912 & # 93 Após sua partida, Goodwin continuou a escrever discursos para Johnson ocasionalmente, o último sendo o discurso do Estado da União em 1966. & # 916 & # 93 Em 1975, Tempo A revista relatou que Goodwin renunciou depois que Johnson, que queria expulsar pessoas próximas a Robert F. Kennedy da Casa Branca, pediu ao diretor do FBI J. Edgar Hoover para investigá-lo. & # 9116 & # 93 No ano seguinte, Goodwin juntou-se publicamente ao movimento anti-guerra, publicando Triunfo ou tragédia, um livro crítico da guerra. Ele também publicou artigos criticando as ações do governo Johnson no Vietnã em O Nova-iorquino sob um pseudônimo. & # 912 & # 93 Depois de deixar o governo, Goodwin ocupou cargos de ensino. Foi bolsista do Centro de Estudos Avançados da Wesleyan University em Middletown, Connecticut, de 1965 a 1967, e foi professor visitante de relações públicas no Instituto de Tecnologia de Massachusetts em 1968. & # 913 & # 93 & # 915 & # 93 Em 1968, Goodwin esteve brevemente envolvido na campanha presidencial de Eugene McCarthy, & # 912 & # 93 gerenciando a campanha de McCarthy nas primárias de New Hampshire, na qual McCarthy ganhou quase 42% dos votos, o que foi considerado uma vitória moral sobre Johnson. & # 913 & # 93 Goodwin deixou a campanha de McCarthy e trabalhou para o senador Robert F. Kennedy depois de entrar na disputa. & # 912 & # 93 Goodwin atuou brevemente como editor político da Pedra rolando em 1974. & # 9117 & # 93 Ele escreveu um livro de memórias, Lembrando a América: uma voz dos anos sessenta (1988). & # 913 & # 93 Em 2000, ele contribuiu com algumas linhas para o discurso de concessão que Al Gore escreveu com seu principal redator de discursos, Eli Attie, após a controversa decisão da Suprema Corte em Bush v. Gore. Α] ⎞]

Seu trabalho foi publicado em O Nova-iorquino e ele escreveu vários livros, artigos e peças. Em 2003, o Yvonne Arnaud Theatre em Guildford, Inglaterra, produziu seu novo trabalho A dobradiça do mundo, que teve como tema o conflito do século 17 entre Galileo Galilei e o Vaticano. & # 9119 & # 93 Renomeado Dois homens de florença (referindo-se a Galileu e seu adversário Papa Urbano VIII, que como o cardeal Maffeo Barberini fora o mentor de Galileu), a peça fez sua estreia americana no Huntington Theatre em Boston em março de 2009. & # 9120 & # 93


‘The Great Society’: um esboço de redator de discursos

Um rascunho do discurso que Richard N. Goodwin escreveu em 1964 delineando a agenda legislativa de assinatura de Lyndon B. Johnson & # x27s, “a Grande Sociedade. & Quot

“Dick Goodwin era um leão do liberalismo antes de se tornar um palavrão, elaborando discursos para ícones democratas que definem a política e o progressismo do século 21”, disse Mark K. Updegrove, presidente e executivo-chefe da Fundação LBJ, em um o email. “Seu discurso 'Devemos Superar', o apelo de LBJ pela Lei do Direito ao Voto na sequência do 'Domingo Sangrento' de Selma, resultando em ação direta de um Congresso anteriormente relutante, é considerado um dos discursos presidenciais mais eloqüentes e eficazes da história . ”

Goodwin ajudou a redigir a histórica Lei de Direitos ao Voto de 1965, que proibiu os testes de alfabetização e outras práticas discriminatórias que há muito tempo privavam os americanos negros. Por um tempo, como o Sr. Goodwin lembrou mais tarde, ele acreditou profundamente em Johnson por causa de seu trabalho pelos direitos civis e reformas sociais.

Mas à medida que o envolvimento do governo no Vietnã crescia, Goodwin saiu em 1965 e começou a escrever e falar contra a guerra. Em 1968, depois que Johnson anunciou que não buscaria a reeleição, Goodwin tornou-se conselheiro e redator de discursos nas campanhas presidenciais democratas dos senadores Robert F. Kennedy de Nova York e Eugene McCarthy de Minnesota, ambos oponentes ferrenhos da guerra.

Goodwin estava com Robert Kennedy em Los Angeles quando o senador, depois de vencer as primárias da Califórnia, foi morto a tiros por um assassino. Ele foi então o redator de discursos de McCarthy, até que os democratas nomearam o vice-presidente Hubert H. Humphrey em uma convenção de Chicago ofuscada por confrontos entre a polícia e manifestantes anti-guerra.

Brilhante, intenso, às vezes abrasivo, o Sr. Goodwin tinha a aparência de um professor amarrotado. Ele fumava charutos grandes, preferia gola alta e jaquetas de veludo cotelê e tinha cabelo comprido e desgrenhado. Sua voz era grave e ligeiramente arrastada, seu rosto enrugado, com sobrancelhas cinza prateadas que se projetavam diabolicamente.

Ele lecionou na Wesleyan University e no Massachusetts Institute of Technology e escreveu para a Rolling Stone, The New Yorker, The New York Times e outras publicações. Seus livros incluem "The Sower's Seed: A Tribute to Adlai Stevenson" (1965), "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam" (1966), "The American Condition" (1974) e "Promises to Keep: A Call for a New Revolução Americana ”(1992).

Seu livro de memórias, “Lembrando a América: uma voz dos anos sessenta” (1988), gerou polêmica ao retratar o presidente Johnson como errático, isolado e até paranóico. Alguns que conheceram Johnson contestaram as conclusões do Sr. Goodwin. Os críticos elogiaram sua avaliação liberal apaixonada da época, mas disseram que ele ignorou muitas reavaliações acadêmicas e políticas dos anos 1960.

Richard Naradof Goodwin nasceu em Boston em 7 de dezembro de 1931, um dos dois filhos de Joseph e Belle Fisher Goodwin. Dick e seu irmão mais novo, Herbert, cresceram em Brookline. Dick foi o primeiro da turma na Tufts University, graduando-se em 1953, e na turma da Harvard Law School de 1958. Ele foi secretário do Juiz Associado Felix Frankfurter da Suprema Corte por um ano. Seu irmão, juiz do tribunal distrital de Massachusetts por muitos anos em Brookline, morreu em 2015.

Em 1958 ele se casou com Sandra Leverant, com quem teve um filho, Richard. Ela morreu em 1972. Ele se casou com Doris Kearns em 1975. Eles tiveram dois filhos, Michael e Joseph. Além de sua esposa e filhos, ele deixa duas netas.

Em 1959, o Sr. Goodwin se juntou à equipe de um subcomitê da Câmara que investigava programas de perguntas e respostas de televisão fraudados. Parte de “Remembering America” focou nos escândalos e foi a base para o filme “Quiz Show” de 1994, que ele ajudou a produzir. Seu trabalho impressionou Robert Kennedy, e ele foi alistado para a equipe do senador John Kennedy. Ele e Theodore C. Sorensen escreveram a maioria dos discursos da campanha presidencial de Kennedy.

A peça de Goodwin, "The Hinge of the World", sobre a luta durante a Inquisição entre o Papa Urbano VIII e Galileu, que foi acusado de heresia por argumentar que a Terra não era o centro do universo, teve sua estreia em Guildford, Inglaterra, em 2003. Foi produzido em Boston em 2009 como “Two Men of Florence”.

“O talento de Richard Goodwin como dramaturgo foi único”, disse Edward Hall, que dirigiu as duas produções da peça, por e-mail. “Ele tinha a rara habilidade de pegar grandes ideias e transformá-las em drama humano. Estar em uma sala de ensaio com Richard continuará sendo um dos destaques da minha carreira. Seus personagens foram enriquecidos por um autor que combinou a experiência de uma vida inteira de trabalho perto do poder, com um profundo entendimento e cuidado da humanidade. ”

O discurso de concessão presidencial de Al Gore em 2000, escrito por Goodwin, citou a concessão do senador Stephen Douglas a Abraham Lincoln na eleição presidencial de 1860: "O sentimento partidário deve ceder ao patriotismo."

O discurso do Sr. Gore continuou: “Assim como lutamos muito quando as apostas são altas, fechamos as fileiras e nos unimos quando a competição termina. E embora haja tempo suficiente para debater nossas diferenças contínuas, agora é a hora de reconhecer que aquilo que nos une é maior do que aquilo que nos divide. Embora ainda defendamos e não cedamos às nossas crenças opostas, existe um dever mais elevado do que aquele que devemos aos partidos políticos. Esta é a América, e nós colocamos o país antes do partido, vamos defender juntos nosso novo presidente ”.


Richard N. Goodwin, ex-redator de discursos da Kennedys, LBJ, morre aos 86

RELATÓRIOS DE NOVA YORK - Richard N. Goodwin, um assessor, redator de discursos e força liberal dos Kennedys e Lyndon Johnson que ajudou a criar discursos históricos como as "ondas de esperança" de Robert Kennedy e os discursos de LBJ sobre direitos civis e a Grande Sociedade, morreu no domingo à noite aos 86 anos.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Mass. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

Goodwin was among the youngest members of President Kennedy's inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working-class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric — top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor — that "would move men to action or alliance."

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called "liberal," Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson's most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated "We Shall Overcome" speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend — to much debate — that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the '60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy's greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send "forth a tiny ripple of hope."

Goodwin's opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for antiwar candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy ("My best and last friend in politics," Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, the New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore's concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush's favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he "probably lacked tact and finesse." But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the "archetypal New Frontiersman" of JFK's brief presidency.

"Goodwin was the supreme generalist," Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning "A Thousand Days," published in 1965, "who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg — and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done."

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy's "Camelot" began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late '50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular "Twenty One" program was rigged. Goodwin's recollections were adapted into the 1994 film "Quiz Show," directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. "Quiz Show" received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin's role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by JFK, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an advisor on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task — prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy's wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Va.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin's most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be "an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man." In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba's socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Montevideo, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

"But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, `Mr. Goodwin, I'd like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,"' Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. "He said, `We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.' So what could I say? I knew he was right."

After Kennedy's death, Goodwin was urged — implored — to stay on by the new president: "You're going to be my voice, my alter ego," Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the "Harvards" around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ's legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a "Great Society." Johnson's 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin — within hours, he alleged — in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Ala., and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

"Their cause must be our cause too," Johnson said. "Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome."

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that "President Johnson's always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason."

"My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior," he wrote in "Remembering America," published in 1988. "I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.'s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him."

Goodwin's theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying "to flog a book."

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country's most popular historians with such works as "Team of Rivals" and "No Ordinary Time." Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin's other books included "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam," released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and "Promises to Keep." He also wrote a play, "The Hinge of the World" (later retitled "Two Men of Florence"), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise "poor, lowly creatures" from ignorance so they could "travel the Heavens."

"And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?" Goodwin wrote. "Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods."


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Richard N. Goodwin, White House speech writer, dead at 86

In this Jan. 12, 1966, photo provided by the White House, President Lyndon B. Johnson prepares for his State of the Union address with, from left, Richard Goodwin, former presidential assistant called back from Wesleyan University to help on the speech, Jack Valenti and Joseph A. Califano, Jr. at the White House in Washington. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson died Sunday, May 20, 2018, at his home in Concord, Mass. His wife, the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, said he died after a brief bout with cancer. Associated Press

FILE - In this May 29, 2010, file photo, author Richard Goodwin receives a Doctor of Humane Letters honorary degree from Trustee Edward Collins during commencement ceremonies at UMass-Lowell at the Tsongas Center in Lowell, Mass. Former White House aide and speechwriter Goodwin has died. He died Sunday, May 20, 2018, at his home in Concord, Mass. His wife, the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, said he died after a brief bout with cancer. Associated Press

NEW YORK -- Richard N. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson who helped craft such historic addresses as Robert Kennedy's "ripples of hope" and LBJ's speeches on civil rights and "The Great Society," died Sunday evening at age 86.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Massachusetts. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

Goodwin was among the youngest members of President John F. Kennedy's inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric - top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor - that "would move men to action or alliance."

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called "liberal," Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson's most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated "We Shall Overcome" speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend - to much debate - that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the '60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy's greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send "forth a tiny ripple of hope."

Goodwin's opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for anti-war candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy ("My best and last friend in politics," Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, The New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore's concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush's favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he "probably lacked tact and finesse." But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the "archetypal New Frontiersman" of JFK's brief presidency.

"Goodwin was the supreme generalist," Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning "A Thousand Days," published in 1965, "who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg - and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done."

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy's "Camelot" began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late '50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular "Twenty One" program was rigged. Goodwin's recollections were adapted into the 1994 film "Quiz Show," directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. "Quiz Show" received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin's role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by Kennedy, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an adviser on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task - prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy's wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin's most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be "an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man." In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba's socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Monte Video, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

"But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, 'Mr. Goodwin, I'd like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,'" Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. "He said, 'We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.' So what could I say? I knew he was right."

After Kennedy's death, Goodwin was urged - implored - to stay on by the new president: "You're going to be my voice, my alter ego," Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the "Harvards" around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ's legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a "Great Society." Johnson's 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin - within hours, he alleged - in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Alabama, and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

"Their cause must be our cause, too," Johnson said. "Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome."

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that "President Johnson's always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason."

"My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior," he wrote in "Remembering America," published in 1988. "I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.'s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him."

Goodwin's theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying "to flog a book."

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country's most popular historians with such works as "Team of Rivals" and "No Ordinary Time." Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin's other books included "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam," released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and "Promises to Keep." He also wrote a play, "The Hinge of the World" (later retitled "Two Men of Florence"), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise "poor, lowly creatures" from ignorance so they could "travel the Heavens."

"And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?" Goodwin wrote. "Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods."


Richard N. Goodwin, White House speech writer, dead at 86

NEW YORK (AP) — Richard N. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson who helped craft such historic addresses as Robert Kennedy’s “ripples of hope” and LBJ’s speeches on civil rights and “The Great Society,” died Sunday evening at age 86.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Massachusetts. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

“It was the adventure of a lifetime to be married for 42 years to this incredible force of nature_the smartest, most interesting, most loving person I have ever known. How lucky I have been to have had him by my side as we built our family and our careers together surrounded by close friends in a community we love,” said Doris Kearns Goodwin.

Richard Goodwin was among the youngest members of President John F. Kennedy’s inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric — top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor — that “would move men to action or alliance.”

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called “liberal,” Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson’s most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated “We Shall Overcome” speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend — to much debate — that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the ’60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy’s greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send “forth a tiny ripple of hope.”

Goodwin’s opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for anti-war candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy (“My best and last friend in politics,” Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, The New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore’s concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush’s favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he “probably lacked tact and finesse.” But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the “archetypal New Frontiersman” of JFK’s brief presidency.

“Goodwin was the supreme generalist,” Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning “A Thousand Days,” published in 1965, “who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg — and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done.”

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy’s “Camelot” began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late ’50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular “Twenty One” program was rigged. Goodwin’s recollections were adapted into the 1994 film “Quiz Show,” directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. “Quiz Show” received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin’s role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by Kennedy, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an adviser on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task — prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy’s wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin’s most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be “an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man.” In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba’s socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto “Che” Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Monte Video, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

“But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, ‘Mr. Goodwin, I’d like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,’” Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. “He said, ‘We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.’ So what could I say? I knew he was right.”

After Kennedy’s death, Goodwin was urged — implored — to stay on by the new president: “You’re going to be my voice, my alter ego,” Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the “Harvards” around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ’s legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a “Great Society.” Johnson’s 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin — within hours, he alleged — in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Alabama, and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

“Their cause must be our cause, too,” Johnson said. “Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.”

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that “President Johnson’s always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason.”

“My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior,” he wrote in “Remembering America,” published in 1988. “I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.’s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him.”

Goodwin’s theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying “to flog a book.”

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country’s most popular historians with such works as “Team of Rivals” and “No Ordinary Time.” Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin’s other books included “Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam,” released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and “Promises to Keep.” He also wrote a play, “The Hinge of the World” (later retitled “Two Men of Florence”), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise “poor, lowly creatures” from ignorance so they could “travel the Heavens.”

“And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?” Goodwin wrote. “Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods.”


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