A história

Nova Inglaterra - História

Nova Inglaterra - História



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Nova Inglaterra
(Remessa: t. 375)

O primeiro New England, um baleeiro comprado pela Marinha em New London, Connecticut, em 21 de novembro de 1861 para a "Frota de Pedra", foi afundado como uma obstrução no Canal Moffit, Porto de Charleston, S.C. em 25 de janeiro de 1862.

II (SP-1222: dp. 579; 1,130 '; b. 31'5 "; dr. 9'4"; s. 8 ~ k.)

New England, um rebocador construído pela Fore River Ship Building Co., Quiney, Massachusetts, foi fretado pela Marinha em Nova York em 23 de outubro de 1917 da New England Steam Ship Co., cidade de Nova York e comissionado em 24 de outubro de 1917.

Atribuído ao 2º Distrito Naval, com sede em Newport, durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial, a Nova Inglaterra operava como um rebocador, auxiliando navios em Newport e transportando suprimentos. Após o serviço durante a guerra e desativação, ela foi devolvida ao seu dono em 11 de maio de 1919.

Submarine Tender AS-28 foi reclassificado AD-32 em 14 de agosto de 1944 e denominado Nova Inglaterra em 2 de setembro de 1944. Lançado em 1 de outubro de 1944 por Tampa SB Co., Ine., Tampa, Flórida, Nova Inglaterra foi lançado em 1 de abril de 1946 e deveria ser patrocinado pela Sra. Paul H. Bastedo, mas sua construção foi encerrada em 12 de agosto de 1945.


A pesca subterrânea, a captura de peixes que nadam nas proximidades do fundo, foi a primeira indústria colonial na América. Durante os últimos 400 anos, as mudanças nos métodos, pessoas e produtividade da pesca subterrânea acompanharam as condições tecnológicas, etnográficas e ambientais em terra. Agora, enfrentamos estoques baixos sem precedentes de espécies de peixes subterrâneos e uma indústria que está diminuindo de importância regional, lutando para apoiar comunidades pesqueiras históricas, como Gloucester e New Bedford, Massachusetts.

Esta revisão pretende fazer uma retrospectiva do início do século XX e acompanhar o desenvolvimento da pesca subterrânea até aos tempos atuais. Muitos dos problemas enfrentados atualmente pela indústria foram previstos já na primeira década do novo século. Métodos de pesca cada vez mais eficientes, a competição entre setores da frota que emprega várias artes, a incapacidade de agir em harmonia com os parceiros internacionais e a falta de atenção aos pareceres científicos soam como temas atuais, mas na verdade têm ecoado repetidamente desde a virada do século. A diversidade e a produtividade da pesca na Nova Inglaterra já foram inigualáveis. Uma tendência contínua ao longo do século passado tem sido a superexploração e o eventual colapso de espécie após espécie. O linguado do Atlântico, a perca do oceano, a arinca e a solha de cauda amarela já alimentaram milhões de americanos.

Agora, até mesmo o venerável bacalhau do Atlântico, resiliente a anos de sobrepesca, poderia se juntar às fileiras de espécies consideradas comercialmente extintas.

Como chegamos à situação atual e as oportunidades perdidas de colocar a pesca em uma base sustentável constituem a tese desta revisão. Compreender as dimensões históricas, científicas e humanas que influenciaram as decisões de peixes, pescadores e manejo é um passo necessário para começar a harmonizar a pesca com o ecossistema.


História da Sociedade Genealógica Histórica da Nova Inglaterra

A primeira sociedade genealógica estabelecida nos Estados Unidos, NEHGS foi fundada em 1845 por um grupo de cinco Bostonians: Charles Ewer (1790-1853), Lemuel Shattuck (1793-1859), Samuel Gardner Drake (1798-1875), John Wingate Thornton (1818-1878) e William Henry Montague (1804-1889).

Inicialmente, os fundadores debateram a natureza da organização que iriam estabelecer. Entre suas decisões estava se focar na genealogia, heráldica ou história, ou alguma combinação dessas disciplinas. Genealogia e história foram favorecidas e planos foram feitos para incorporá-la como a Sociedade Genealógica Histórica da Nova Inglaterra.

A oposição ao uso da palavra "histórico" foi apresentada por Charles Francis Adams, da Sociedade Histórica de Massachusetts e, como um compromisso, o nome da instituição foi alterado para Sociedade Genealógica Histórica da Nova Inglaterra. Essa mudança não agradou a todos e um ou dois dos fundadores consideraram o novo nome complicado. Em 18 de março de 1845, o Tribunal Geral de Massachusetts aprovou a petição de incorporação da Sociedade.

O impulso de formalizar o estudo genealógico na primeira metade do século XIX encontrou suas primeiras raízes nos costumes de homens e mulheres da região que, pelo menos desde o final do século XVIII, mantinham ativamente registros familiares privados para documentar suas famílias e linhagens. Esses registros ou registros eram frequentemente executados em bico de pena ou bordado e eram contrapartes mais ornamentadas de formulários impressos semelhantes encontrados nas Bíblias. Mais tarde, em meados do século XIX, impressões decorativas de registros familiares foram amplamente disponibilizadas ao público por litógrafos como Nathaniel Currier.

Os fundadores do NEHGS também agiram para tornar permanente o trabalho sistemático da primeira geração de pesquisadores genealógicos, especialmente liderados por John Farmer (1789-1838). Antes dos esforços de Farmer, rastrear a ancestralidade de alguém era visto por alguns como uma tentativa dos colonos de alcançar uma posição social dentro do Império Britânico, um objetivo que era contrário ao ethos igualitário e orientado para o futuro da nova república.

À medida que as celebrações do quarto de julho comemorando os fundadores e heróis da Guerra Revolucionária se tornaram cada vez mais populares, no entanto, a busca pelo 'antiquarismo', que se concentrava na história local, tornou-se cada vez mais uma forma de homenagear as conquistas dos primeiros americanos.

Farmer tirou proveito da crescente aceitabilidade do antiquarismo para enquadrar a genealogia dentro da estrutura ideológica da república inicial de orgulho pelos ancestrais americanos. Na década de 1820, Farmer se correspondeu com vários antiquários na Nova Inglaterra e se tornou um coordenador, impulsionador e contribuidor desse movimento emergente, que gradualmente conquistou um público americano dedicado. Embora Farmer tenha morrido em 1839, seus esforços em parte levaram à criação do NEHGS. [2] Um grupo de seus membros fundou uma organização semelhante em Nova York duas décadas depois, em 1869.

No início do século 20, o NEHGS empreendeu o importante projeto de transcrever e publicar os registros vitais das cidades de Massachusetts, o que proporcionou uma valiosa contribuição ao campo genealógico à medida que essa série foi expandida nos quarenta anos seguintes. Muitos desses registros foram salvos da destruição.

Por mais de um século, o NEHGS foi administrado diretamente por seus oficiais e conselho de curadores. Em 1962, o NEHGS nomeou seu primeiro diretor profissional, Edgar Packard Dean, ex-editor de Relações Exteriores e ex-diretor dos Clubes da Universidade de Harvard Associada. Dean supervisionou a mudança da Sociedade de Beacon Hill para sua localização atual em Back Bay e se aposentou em 1972. Dean foi sucedido por Richard Donald Pierce, um ministro unitarista, bibliotecário e ex-reitor (e por um tempo presidente em exercício) do Emerson College, que morreu no cargo seis meses após sua nomeação.

Pierce foi sucedido por James Brugler Bell, que obteve um diploma avançado em história pelo Balliol College, Oxford, e que foi professor na Ohio State University e ex-candidato ao Congresso dos Estados Unidos em Minnesota. Após um mandato de nove anos, Bell deixou a NEHGS em 1982. As finanças e o moral da Sociedade estavam em um ponto baixo, e coube ao sucessor de Bell, Ralph J. Crandall, ex-editor do The Register e graduado da University of Southern California, onde ele obteve seu doutorado para reconstruir o patrimônio da Sociedade nos vinte e três anos seguintes.

Crandall saiu brevemente em 1987 e a diretoria foi ocupada por John Winthrop Sears, um ex-vereador de Boston e candidato republicano para governador de Massachusetts em 1982. Crandall voltou para NEHGS em 1988 e continuou a expandir a organização. Em 2005, Crandall deixou o cargo para se tornar diretor executivo emérito e se concentrar em projetos especiais. Ele foi sucedido por D. Brenton Simons, um autor, ex-Chief Operating Officer e Diretor de Educação da NEHGS e graduado da Boston University, que se juntou à equipe em 1993 e iniciou sua revista, site e impressão de publicações especiais.

Em 2006, o cargo de Diretor Executivo foi alterado para presidente e CEO e em 2009 Simons anunciou uma promessa de doação de US $ 7,5 milhões de um doador anônimo, a maior doação de caridade já feita no campo da genealogia americana. Hoje, o NEHGS tem um Conselho de Curadores de 22 pessoas que define as políticas de governança para a organização em reuniões trimestrais. Um Conselho maior se reúne anualmente e, junto com o Conselho, forma o Conselho da Corporação, o órgão de votação estatutário da organização.

Estudiosos associados ao NEHGS no século XX incluíram George Andrews Moriarty (1883-1968), um especialista em Rhode Island e as origens inglesas dos primeiros colonos Walter Goodwin Davis (1885-1966), a autoridade proeminente do Maine Mary Lovering Holman (1868-1947 ), autor de numerosas genealogias e John Insley Coddington (1902-1991), antigo "reitor da genealogia americana".

Estudiosos notáveis ​​atualmente associados ao NEHGS incluem Robert Charles Anderson, diretor do Great Migration Study Project e autor de seus nove volumes Gary Boyd Roberts, um especialista em ascendência presidencial e descendência real de Nova York e o estudioso das Índias Ocidentais Henry B. Hoff David Curtis Dearborn, uma especialista do norte da Nova Inglaterra e autoridade irlandesa-americana Marie E. Daly. Os atuais membros da equipe incluem os autores genealógicos David Allen Lambert, Christopher C. Child, Rhonda M. McClure e Scott C. Steward.

Muitas figuras notáveis, incluindo vários presidentes, foram eleitos membros do NEHGS. Um membro original foi John Quincy Adams, eleito em 20 de fevereiro de 1845, pouco antes da incorporação da Sociedade. Outros incluem John Singleton Copley, Baron Lyndhurst de Lyndhurst, Lord Chancellor e filho do artista (1845), os prefeitos de Boston Harrison Gray Otis e Josiah Quincy (1846), Lewis Cass, Henry Clay, Albert Gallatin, Hannibal Hamlin, Washington Irving, e Daniel Webster (1847), John Tyler (1859), Horatio Alger e Sir John Bernard Burke de Burke's Peerage (1862), governador de Massachusetts John Albion Andrew (1863), Ulysses S. Grant (1869), Rutherford B. Hayes (1877 ), Chester Alan Arthur e o primeiro-ministro britânico William E. Gladstone (1884), Albert I, rei dos belgas, Warren G. Harding e Woodrow Wilson (1919), chefe de justiça Charles Evans Hughes, Herbert Hoover e Elihu Root ( 1921), industrial Andrew Mellon (1933), Grace Goodhue Coolidge (1935), Justice Harry A. Blackmun, Rosalyn e Jimmy Carter, Julia Child, Bill Clinton, Betty e Gerald Ford, Henry Louis Gates Jr., Charlton Heston, David McCullough, e Nancy e Ronald Reagan (1995), e o prefeito de Boston Thomas M. Menino (200 9). Horatio Alger, John Albion Andrew e Rutherford B. Hayes serviram em várias ocasiões como oficiais do NEHGS.


Organizando-se

Jane Mruczek percebeu rapidamente que administrar a região da Nova Inglaterra não era mais uma função de uma pessoa, então ela criou um Comitê Diretivo - um grupo central de voluntários que trabalhariam juntos para planejar e supervisionar as atividades do SCBW. Com esse grupo entusiasmado e comprometido, a Região pôde oferecer muitos outros programas especiais para seus membros.

Por meio de uma série de discussões, o Comitê Diretor desenvolveu um plano para dividir a região da Nova Inglaterra em três sub-regiões com base na geografia e no número de membros. Em 1992, a sede da SCBW aprovou a proposta, criando os cargos de Conselheiro Regional do Norte da Nova Inglaterra (Vermont, New Hampshire, Maine), Conselheiro Regional da Central New England (Massachusetts) e Conselheiro Regional do Sul da Nova Inglaterra (Rhode Island, Connecticut). Um Coordenador Regional serviria de contato para os três Conselheiros Regionais. Nessa época, a Nova Inglaterra tinha quase mil membros e cerca de trinta grupos de crítica.

Voluntários dedicados (da esquerda para a direita) Betty Brown, ex-RA Laurie Murphy, ex-RC Linda Brennan, Coordenadora de Whispering Pines Lynda Hunt

O Comitê Diretor também recomendou a criação de vários outros cargos-chave para aliviar a carga sobre os ARs. Estes incluíram um Editor, um Coordenador de Produção e um Coordenador de Assinatura para o SCBW NE NOTÍCIA um Coordenador de Conferência e um Coordenador de Grupo de Crítica. Esses voluntários, junto com os RC e RAs, formaram uma Equipe Regional que começou a se reunir periodicamente para coordenar as atividades regionais.

O plano inicial era que cada sub-região tivesse um voluntário que enviaria pacotes de boas-vindas aos novos membros, mas Barbara Barrett concordou em assumir essa responsabilidade por toda a região e continuou nessa posição até 2010, quando a Sede do SCBWI em Los Angeles começou a enviar sua publicação, O livro: o guia essencial para publicações infantis, para todos os novos membros.

Por mais importantes que essas mudanças tenham sido para a região da Nova Inglaterra, uma transformação ainda mais crítica ocorreu na organização como um todo em 1992. Depois de anos de lobby liderado pela autora e ilustradora da Nova Inglaterra Tomie dePaola, o Conselho de Consultores da SCBW votou para mudar a organização nome para SCBWI - a Sociedade de Escritores e Ilustradores de Livros Infantis. Os ilustradores sempre estiveram entre os membros do grupo, mas agora eles começaram a receber o reconhecimento que claramente mereciam.


New England & # 039s Hidden Histories: Colonial-Era Church Records

Os registros da igreja congregacional oferecem uma visão rica e notável da vida na Nova Inglaterra dos séculos XVII e XVIII. Muito antes de a Constituição ser escrita, cada membro das primeiras igrejas puritanas tinha direito a voto igual, com poder de governar a si mesmo e de escolher seus próprios ministros. Os registros dessas congregações documentam nascimentos, mortes e casamentos, mas também abrem uma janela para a vida de pessoas comuns que deliberam sobre assuntos sagrados e seculares. Durante grande parte do período colonial, os negócios da igreja eram assuntos da cidade e, portanto, além das informações usuais sobre nascimentos, mortes e casamentos, os registros da igreja mostram pessoas comuns tomando decisões sobre propriedades, impostos e sua representação nos assuntos maiores da Comunidade.

Muitos dos documentos em Histórias ocultas da Nova Inglaterra estão sendo disponibilizados ao público pela primeira vez. Desde 2005, a Biblioteca Congregacional, em parceria com o Centro Jonathan Edwards em Yale e muitas igrejas locais em toda a Nova Inglaterra, tem resgatado registros antigos de sótãos e porões de igrejas, tornando-os amplamente acessíveis por meio de preservação e digitalização. Muitos dos documentos também incluem transcrições.

Estamos obtendo novos documentos regularmente. Para maior clareza, organizamos os documentos de Histórias Ocultas da Nova Inglaterra em três séries, uma lidando especificamente com registros criados por igrejas locais, outro para itens criados por indivíduos, incluindo sermões, diários, correspondência e obras teológicas raras, e uma terceira categoria de registros criados por conferências, associações e órgãos extracurriculares relacionadas às igrejas congregacionais.

Também temos muitos recursos primários e secundários relacionados em nossas coleções. Acadêmicos interessados ​​em ampliar suas pesquisas além do que está disponível online devem considerar a inscrição para nossas bolsas de pesquisa.


Nova Inglaterra - História

por John-Manuel Andriote terça-feira, 13 de maio de 2014

Em 2007, voltei para o leste de Connecticut, onde cresci. Dirigindo para o norte na Interestadual 395, passando por cidades como Norwich e Griswold, fiquei impressionado com as muitas velhas paredes de pedra cinza caindo nas florestas ao longo da rodovia. Percebendo que as árvores nessas florestas não eram & rsquot particularmente velhas, concluí que aquelas florestas já haviam sido desmatadas em terras agrícolas.

Perguntar-se casualmente o que teria acontecido com as fazendas levou a uma jornada de descoberta pelas florestas e campos da Nova Inglaterra.

Minha jornada começou com o livro & ldquoStone de Stone: The Magnificent History of New England & rsquos Stone Walls & rdquo, do professor de geologia da Universidade de Connecticut, Robert M. Thorson. Thorson - conhecido pelos colegas e amigos como & ldquoThor & rdquo - diz que ficou & ldquosmitten & rdquo pelas paredes de pedra depois de se mudar com sua família do Alasca para Connecticut em 1984. No início, estudá-los era apenas um hobby para Thorson. "Não era meu trabalho", diz ele. & ldquoEu estava ensinando e pesquisando. Eu dirigi um laboratório com alunos de pós-graduação e financiei projetos & hellip Mas me interessei por essas paredes de pedra como formas de relevo, então continuei trabalhando nisso. & Rdquo

Paredes de pedra colocadas ao longo da Rota 169 em Canterbury, Connecticut. Crédito: John-Manuel Andriote.

Em 2002, Thorson publicou & ldquoStone by Stone & rdquo seu primeiro livro sobre o assunto, e ele e sua esposa Kristine fundaram a Stone Wall Initiative em conjunto com a publicação, que Thorson descreve como o primeiro estudo geoarqueológico das paredes de pedra da Nova Inglaterra.

Como o livro, a Iniciativa visa promover a compreensão científica das paredes e defender sua proteção como recursos culturais e ecológicos. Desde o lançamento do livro, Thorson falou com milhares de entusiastas de paredes de pedra, escreveu vários artigos sobre o assunto e viu seu livro se tornar a base de um documentário chamado & ldquoPassages of Time. & Rdquo

Em uma tarde brilhante de janeiro de 2014, juntei-me a Thorson para um passeio guiado pelas paredes de pedra em Brooklyn, Connecticut. A área apresenta muitas paredes de pedra notáveis ​​em grande parte por causa de sua proximidade com o que Thorson chama de centro geológico e agrícola do interior Novo Inglaterra, & rdquo que forneceu pedras abundantes do tamanho e forma perfeitos para fazê-los. Thorson observa em & ldquoExploring Stone Walls & rdquo seu guia de campo de 2005, que janeiro é uma das melhores épocas no sul da Nova Inglaterra para a visualização de paredes de pedra. & ldquoComo o negativo de uma fotografia & rdquo & rdquo, & ldquowalls são mais visíveis quando a vida é mais invisível. Normalmente, isso ocorre em janeiro, quando a neve emoldura a parede de baixo para cima e quando o sol forte e cristalino lança sombras fortes. & Rdquo

À medida que percorríamos as paredes, eu aprendi sua história: ela começa com geleiras durante a última era do gelo, serpenteia pela era colonial e no início da agricultura da Nova Inglaterra, diminui durante a industrialização na América quando as paredes foram abandonadas e caíram em ruínas, e continua até hoje com sua memorialização em poesia e remodelação.

Origens Glaciais

As pedras nas paredes de pedra da Nova Inglaterra foram retiradas da rocha pela manta de gelo Laurentide entre cerca de 30.000 e 15.000 anos atrás. Crédito: Kathleen Cantner, AGI.

As origens das pedras de parede da Nova Inglaterra remontam a cerca de 30.000 a 15.000 anos atrás, quando o manto de gelo Laurentide - um remanescente do qual ainda existe na calota polar de Barnes na ilha central de Baffin - fez seu caminho para o sul do centro do Canadá e então começou recuando. & ldquoEle retirou o último dos solos antigos & rdquo escreve Thorson em & ldquoStone by Stone & rdquo & ldquoscouring a terra até sua rocha, levantando bilhões de lajes de pedra e espalhando-os pela região. & rdquo

À medida que o manto de gelo derreteu e recuou, deixou para trás depósitos de material não classificado variando em tamanho de argila a pedras maciças esculpidas na rocha de ardósia, xisto, granito e gnaisse do norte da Nova Inglaterra e Canadá. As bucólicas colinas e prados da Nova Inglaterra são formados por um rico solo glacial chamado lodgement - até 60 metros de espessura - que foi "quase sozinho e responsável pelo sucesso da economia agrícola na Nova Inglaterra", diz Thorson. Uma camada mais fina e solta de rochas e areia chamada ablação, ou & ldquomelt out, & rdquo till foi deixada acima do depósito. A maioria das paredes de pedra é composta de pedras do ponto de fusão, que eram "abundantes, grandes, angulares e fáceis de transportar", diz Thorson, em comparação com as pedras menores e mais arredondadas das caixas mais profundas.

Embora as paredes de pedra da Nova Inglaterra sejam popularmente associadas à era colonial, não havia muitas rochas espalhadas pelo solo naquela época. Como evidência, Thorson cita o botânico sueco Peter Kalm, que visitou a Nova Inglaterra em meados do século XVIII. Em suas & ldquoTravels in North America, & rdquo Kalm observou seus solos florestais & ldquo [Os] europeus que vinham para a América encontraram um solo rico e fino diante deles, solto entre as árvores como o melhor em um jardim. Eles não tinham nada a fazer a não ser cortar a lenha, amontoá-la e retirar as folhas mortas. & Rdquo

Da mesma forma, os livros da era colonial sobre agricultura, enciclopédias e observações registradas não mencionam paredes de pedra, observa Thorson. Em vez de paredes de pedra, os fazendeiros coloniais usavam grades e cercas em zigue-zague feitas de madeira - muito mais abundantes na época do que pedra - para cercar os animais. Não foi até a segunda metade do século 18 que as primeiras paredes de pedra foram amplamente construídas na Nova Inglaterra. Mesmo assim, exceto em áreas interiores cultivadas por muito tempo, como Concord, Massachusetts, a pedra era tipicamente extraída ou retirada de encostas em vez de campos.

As pedras da região estão profundamente enterradas no solo, enterradas sob o vale de milhares de anos de solo rico em compostagem e florestas antigas, apenas esperando para serem libertadas pelos pioneiros do corte raso das florestas da Nova Inglaterra - um processo que atingiu seu pico na maior parte de New England Inglaterra entre 1830 e 1880.

Desmatamento e Exumação

A ação glacial produziu a matéria-prima para a construção de paredes de pedra. O granito, a rocha mais comum na Nova Inglaterra, também predomina nas paredes de pedra. Crédito: Kathleen Cantner, AGI, após Thorson, 2005.

O aquecimento de uma casa de fazenda de tamanho médio na Nova Inglaterra durante o final do século 18 e início do século 19 - que coincidiu com os anos finais da & ldquoLittle Idade do Gelo & rdquo, o período climático excepcionalmente frio que durou de meados de 1300 a meados de 1800 - exigia a queima até 35 cabos de madeira cortada por ano. Considerando que um cabo tem 3,6 metros cúbicos de madeira, é fácil entender por que os invernos frios da Nova Inglaterra, junto com a construção de todos aqueles prédios agrícolas, significaram o desaparecimento de vastas áreas de floresta.

O desmatamento generalizado expôs os solos da Nova Inglaterra ao frio do inverno - os cientistas estimam que o inverno foi de 1 a 1,5 graus Celsius mais frio durante a Pequena Idade do Gelo do que é hoje - fazendo com que congelassem mais profundamente do que antes. Essa geada acelerada e sufocamento, e gradualmente levantou bilhões de pedras através das camadas de solo em direção à superfície.

Essas pedras não eram propícias à agricultura, portanto, com a ajuda de seus bois, os fazendeiros transportavam as pedras para as bordas externas das pastagens e terras de cultivo, normalmente despejando-as em pilhas que delimitavam seus campos da floresta. (Algumas dessas assim chamadas paredes & ldquodumped & rdquo seriam posteriormente refeitas de forma mais intencional quando ferramentas e equipamentos aprimorados tornassem a reconstrução mais fácil.) Nos primeiros dias, a arte na construção de paredes de pedra tinha que esperar. A primeira prioridade era a sobrevivência, o que significava limpar terras para plantar e criar gado.

Em Harvard Forest - um laboratório florestal de 1.500 hectares e sala de aula estabelecido pela Universidade de Harvard em 1907 em Petersham, Massachusetts - uma série de dioramas no Museu Fisher narra a história da paisagem da Nova Inglaterra, retratando as mudanças em um único terreno desde então a era colonial. O povoamento europeu e o início do desmatamento ocorreram principalmente no século XVIII. Em meados do século 19, 60 a 80 por cento das terras haviam sido desmatadas. Depois que a agricultura começou a declinar, pastagens e campos abandonados rapidamente se transformaram em florestas de pinheiros brancos, que obscureciam as paredes de pedra. Os pinheiros foram cortados e sucedidos pelas madeiras de lei mista vistas hoje. Crédito: fotos de John Green, cortesia de Harvard Forest, Harvard University.

Os tipos de pedras e sua abundância podem ter sido familiares aos primeiros fazendeiros, que eram principalmente das Ilhas Britânicas, diz Thorson, porque a pedra na Nova Inglaterra é semelhante à pedra na Inglaterra e na Escócia. A Inglaterra e a Nova Inglaterra têm paisagens naturais semelhantes porque ambas as terras têm uma história geológica semelhante. Milhões de anos atrás, a Inglaterra e a Nova Inglaterra foram formadas na mesma cordilheira perto do centro de Pangéia. Assim, diz ele, & ldquothe fieldstones semelhantes em lados opostos do Atlântico foram criados praticamente dentro da mesma fundição. & Rdquo

Mas havia uma diferença importante entre essas pedras do Novo Mundo e do Velho: a Grã-Bretanha há muito havia sido desmatada, com suas pedras subterrâneas trazidas à superfície, então suas paredes de pedra foram construídas centenas, senão milhares, de anos antes.

Esforço Monumental

Embora o muro de pedra mais antigo documentado na Nova Inglaterra seja de 1607 - feito por colonos ingleses da Virginia Company ao longo do estuário do rio Kennebec ao norte de Portland, Maine - a maior parte das paredes de pedra da região foram construídas no período revolucionário entre 1775 e 1825 , um período que Thorson chama de & ldquot a idade de ouro da construção de paredes de pedra. & rdquo Naquela época, os efeitos do desmatamento sobre o solo eram totalmente sentidos. As fazendas estabelecidas estavam produzindo toneladas de pedras que precisavam ser removidas. Simultaneamente, um baby boom pós-Guerra Revolucionária forneceu uma abundância de mãos jovens para ajudar a movê-los.

Durante este período, milhares de paredes de pedra foram construídas e outras milhares foram melhoradas. Thorson escreve em & ldquoStone by Stone & rdquo que & ldquofarmers em toda a região começaram a olhar para dentro de suas fazendas, não como refúgios seguros da guerra, mas por orgulho de serem americanos. & Rdquo O orgulho deles se refletia na maneira como meticulosamente remodelaram as pilhas de pedra e paredes primitivas despejadas ao longo de suas linhas de propriedade nas agora clássicas & ldquoduplas paredes & rdquo fileiras paralelas de pedra preenchidas com pequenas pedras (ver barra lateral, página 34).

A construção das paredes exigia muito trabalho. Para efeito de comparação, os pedreiros modernos normalmente colocam cerca de 6 metros de parede de pedra por dia, diz Thorson. Ele estima que 40 milhões de “dias humanos” de trabalho teriam sido necessários para construir os mais de 380.000 quilômetros de paredes de pedra na Nova Inglaterra - o suficiente para construir uma parede da Terra à Lua - relatado por um censo de 1871 em esgrima. & ldquoEsta é uma quantidade impressionante de trabalho manual & rdquo, diz ele, & ldquobut é trivial quando comparada ao esforço muito maior de levar as pedras até as bordas dos campos em primeiro lugar. Esse trabalho normalmente era feito pedra por pedra, e carga por carga, pela geração anterior. & Rdquo

Ao longo de algumas gerações, a vasta rede de paredes de pedra da Nova Inglaterra foi erguida e, entre 1830 e 1840, as fazendas também estavam bem estabelecidas e os fazendeiros não estavam mais desmatando tanto, disse Christie Higginbottom, historiadora pesquisadora em Old Sturbridge Village, em o documentário & ldquoPassages of Time. & rdquo Old Sturbridge Village é um museu vivo da vida rural de 1830 na Nova Inglaterra, localizado em Sturbridge, Massachusetts.

À medida que o século 19 avançava, mudanças na agricultura, na natureza do trabalho e no clima político do país afetaram profundamente as paredes de pedra da Nova Inglaterra.

A Revolução Industrial e o Declínio das Fazendas

A agricultura era onipresente na América colonial. Gerações de agricultores de subsistência limparam e arrancaram da terra o alimento de suas famílias. Pouco depois da Guerra Revolucionária, no entanto, isso começou a mudar. O estabelecimento em 1787 da primeira fábrica de algodão da América - a Beverly Cotton Manufactory em Beverly, Massachusetts - lançou uma das maiores transformações e mudanças populacionais na história da jovem nação. A Revolução Industrial Americana trouxe para as cidades da Nova Inglaterra milhares de mulheres e meninas, em particular, que deixaram para trás suas tarefas de cozinhar, fiar, tecer e várias outras tarefas agrícolas para ganhar dinheiro para suas famílias como trabalhadores contratados na região e nas fábricas têxteis que proliferavam.

A poesia de Robert Frost impregnou as paredes de pedra da Nova Inglaterra de significado mitológico. Ele escreveu sobre este muro de pedra, em sua fazenda em Derry, N.H., em seu poema & # 34Mending Wall. & # 34 Crédito: topo: Biblioteca do Congresso / New York World-Telegram & ampamp Sun Collection à direita: CCA 3.0

A própria agricultura também estava mudando drasticamente com a invenção de novas ferramentas, como o arado de ferro fundido, e uma abordagem mais científica da agricultura que mantivesse a fertilidade do solo. Mesmo essas ferramentas não poderiam ajudar os agricultores a se recuperar do chamado & ldquoYear Without a Summer & rdquo em 1816, quando a erupção massiva do Monte Tambora na Indonésia em 1815 ejetou cinzas e partículas na atmosfera global, causando um & ldquoYear Without a Summer & rdquo que devastou as colheitas. Entre a perda de um ano de safra e o início de uma depressão industrial em 1819, muitos mais habitantes da Nova Inglaterra abandonaram suas fazendas - e com eles, as paredes de pedra - para avançar para o oeste em Nova York, Ohio e além

Em meados do século, o êxodo das fazendas fez com que o que Thorson chama de uma "cortinaquopsicológica" descesse sobre a terra e uma "cortinaquobiológica" surgisse, à medida que a vegetação crescia sobre muitas paredes antigas não refletidas. & ldquoSe você se afastar de paredes em uma paisagem aberta & rdquo, se não houver vacas para manter o campo & quot ceifadas, ele diz & ldquot as paredes vão ficar cobertas com arbustos muito rapidamente e vão desaparecer. Os pinheiros brancos vão subir. Uma década depois de se afastar deles, você terá problemas para vê-los. & Rdquo

Recuperando e Romanizando a Pedra

Já em 1850, o naturalista Henry David Thoreau revelou em seu diário como as paredes de pedra rurais já passaram a representar algo importante sobre o caráter da Nova Inglaterra. "Nunca estamos preparados para acreditar que nossos ancestrais levantaram grandes pedras ou construíram paredes grossas", escreveu ele. & ldquoComo seu trabalho pode ser tão visível e permanente e tão transitório? Quando vejo uma pedra que deve ter levado muitas juntas de bois para mover, deitada em uma parede de banco & hellip, fico curiosamente surpreso, porque sugere uma energia e força das quais não temos memoriais. & Rdquo

Durante o Renascimento Colonial do início do século 20, os americanos - particularmente aqueles ricos o suficiente para reimaginar o passado da nação como uma série de litografias idealizadas de Currier e Ives - começaram a coletar artefatos desse passado, como velhas ferramentas agrícolas, e a reconstruir primeiras aldeias. As pessoas reformaram muros de pedra rurais em propriedades que haviam sido abandonadas gerações antes.

Foi o poeta americano laureado Robert Frost, talvez mais do que qualquer outra pessoa, quem imbuiu as paredes de pedra da Nova Inglaterra de significado mitológico. A poesia de Frost & rsquos ajudou a solidificar a imagem heróica e totalmente americana do fazendeiro ianque - independente, autossuficiente e resiliente - enfrentando, desafiadoramente, a pedra implacável. Thorson diz que, para Frost, as paredes de quostone eram mais do que símbolos. Eles eram oráculos. & Rdquo

Um estudo lidar feito pelos geógrafos da Universidade de Connecticut Katharine Johnson e William Ouimet revelou os restos de uma antiga & # 34agrópolis & # 34 de estradas agrícolas e cercas escondidas por uma nova floresta. Crédito: K. Johnson e W. Ouimet, J. Arch. Sci., 2014.

Through Frost and other writers and artists, Thorson says, New England &ldquolearned to love its stone walls more as memorials to a lost world than they had ever been loved as fences.&rdquo And with the growing appreciation of America&rsquos heritage came an increasing understanding of the walls as actual ruins of early American civilization and the awesome human achievement they represent, he says.

A March 2014 study in the Journal of Archaeological Science offers a fascinating glimpse of what lies beneath the forests that now envelop many New England farms abandoned in the latter half of the 19th century.

Using a laser mapping technique called lidar that can see landscapes even through dense forest cover, University of Connecticut geographers Katharine Johnson and William Ouimet conducted aerial surveys of the heavily forested areas of three southern New England towns. The researchers found remnants of a former &ldquoagropolis,&rdquo vast networks of roads and stone walls that have been hidden for more than a century beneath the dense cover of oak and spruce trees.

Between lidar&rsquos ability to pull back the biological curtain of the forest and Frost&rsquos pulling back the psychological curtain drawn against the pain of abandonment, Thorson muses, it would seem that science and poetry together finally &ldquoallow us to actually see things that everyone knew were there all along.&rdquo

Through his work with the Stone Wall Initiative at the Connecticut State Museum of Natural History, Thorson says he intends to ensure that stone walls — New England&rsquos iconic landform — will continue to be seen by many generations to come.

© 2008-2021. Todos os direitos reservados. Any copying, redistribution or retransmission of any of the contents of this service without the expressed written permission of the American Geosciences Institute is expressly prohibited. Click here for all copyright requests.


The Connecticut River is the largest river in New England. It meanders its way through the hills and forest of Northern New England between Vermont and New Hampshire and discharges itself in Long Island Sound. This leviathan consumes over 11,263 sq miles of the Northeast. Traced by many cities and small towns, it’s an icon of the New England lifestyle. Though seemingly beautiful and peaceful by day, its undulating coils hide many stories and secrets along its path to the Devil’s Belt. One is a mysterious glowing thing that lurks in its waters.

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Hidden within the undulating arm of the Connecticut River is a serpent that has frightened those who’ve lived on it banks since colonists first settled there. Often it has been described as an eel or snake-like serpent over one hundred feet long. Though over the past three hundred years it has been spotted by people across three states, it still appears to remain a mystery.

In the early 1800s, spotting strange creatures off the coast of Connecticut was not uncommon. Sailors would return to port with tales of ghastly leviathans they encountered in their travels. The most peculiar of these stories frequently surfaced in the local publications. One that crossed the pages of the New York Times e Scientific American was not reported by sailors at sea, but by people deep in the heart of Connecticut. This beast appeared to make its home in the Connecticut River.

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C ashington Irving wrote of the Headless Horseman, a tale of a Hessian of Sleepy Hollow who had lost his head in war. It’s a wonderful story that all enjoyed in their childhood. In RI though there is a more gruesome tale of a headless spirit in Swampton. This story may even predate Irving’s tale, and cause most to shudder in fear, when alone on Indian Corner Road.

In the early 1800s a large portion of Swampton consisted of over grown forest and wetlands. Virtually all of the roads that traverse through the wilds of this portion of RI didn’t have names. Often the locals would apply names to them that best described their location. While some were adorned with pleasant names like Rathbun and Sunnyside others had much more gruesome rubrics. Dark Corners, Purgatory Rd, and Robbers Corner carried names that both identified them and warned the weary traveler. Though most names changed over time, there are those who’s now formal name still carries the spirit of its location. Indian Corner is the most interesting and frightening of those lonely byways.

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While digging through the archives in 2013, I stumbled across a fantastic story in the Dec 3, 1888 edition of the New York Times about a cave in Connecticut known as Sutcliffe Cavern. According to the article it had been discovered four years earlier in North Stonington, Connecticut while digging out the cellar on the Sutcliffe farm. It soon became a popular stop for local pleasure parties.

I had never before heard about this cave before nor do I live far from North Stonington. I thought I found a real treasure, and couldn’t wait to rediscover it. Anxiously, I read on and the details of this cave soon revealed that it was a treasure, but not the kind I first thought it was. The article claimed that Polly Sutcliffe, Known local as “Aunt Polly”, believed that a pot of gold was hidden in her basement. She had dreamed about the gold for three weeks. When laborers began digging the cellar for her home they soon broke through into the cave. (more&hellip)

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Along the northern border of Vermont is a finger lake known as Lake Memphremagog. It’s the second largest lake in the state and is shared by Canada. Though a seemingly tranquil spot, it has been the home of many tales of a strange and frightening beast a mysterious monster that some say the local Indians warned the settlers to avoid.

The creature in Lake Memphremagog has long been a part of the lore of the Abenakis, the indigenous people who gave the lake its name. When the settlers arrive the Abenakis warned the settlers not to bathe or swim in the lake due to a predatory monster that patrolled the lake and was known to devour unsuspecting humans.


The Great New England Hurricane

Without warning, a powerful Category 3 hurricane slams into Long Island and southern New England, causing 600 deaths and devastating coastal cities and towns. Also called the Long Island Express, the Great New England Hurricane of 1938 was the most destructive storm to strike the region in the 20th century.

The officially unnamed hurricane was born out a tropical cyclone that developed in the eastern Atlantic on September 10, 1938, near the Cape Verde Islands. Six days later, the captain of a Brazilian freighter sighted the storm northeast of Puerto Rico and radioed a warning to the U.S. Weather Bureau (now the National Weather Service). It was expected that the storm would make landfall in south Florida, and hurricane-experienced coastal citizens stocked up on supplies and boarded up their homes. On September 19, however, the storm suddenly changed direction and began moving north, parallel to the eastern seaboard.

Charlie Pierce, a junior forecaster in the U.S. Weather Bureau, was sure that the hurricane was heading for the Northeast, but the chief forecaster overruled him. It had been well over a century since New England had been hit by a substantial hurricane, and few believed it could happen again. Hurricanes rarely persist after encountering the cold waters of the North Atlantic. However, this hurricane was moving north at an unusually rapid pace–more than 60 mph𠄺nd was following a track over the warm waters of the Gulf Stream.

With Europe on the brink of war over the worsening Sudetenland crisis, little media attention was given to the powerful hurricane at sea. There was no advanced meteorological technology, such as radar, radio buoys, or satellite imagery, to warn of the hurricane’s approach. By the time the U.S. Weather Bureau learned that the Category 3 storm was on a collision course with Long Island on the afternoon of September 21, it was too late for a warning.

Along the south shore of Long Island, the sky began to darken and the wind picked up. Fishermen and boaters were at sea, and summer residents enjoying the end of the season were in their beachfront homes. Around 2:30 p.m., the full force of the hurricane made landfall, unfortunately around high tide. Surges of ocean water and waves 40 feet tall swallowed up coastal homes. At Westhampton, which lay directly in the path of the storm, 150 beach homes were destroyed, about a third of which were pulled into the swelling ocean. Winds exceeded 100 mph. Inland, people were drowned in flooding, killed by uprooted trees and falling debris, and electrocuted by downed electrical lines.

At 4 p.m., the center of the hurricane crossed the Long Island Sound and reached Connecticut. Rivers swollen by a week of steady rain spilled over and washed away roadways. In New London, a short circuit in a flooded building started a fire that was fanned by the 100 mph winds into an inferno. Much of the business district was consumed.

The hurricane gained intensity as it passed into Rhode Island. Winds in excess of 120 mph caused a storm surge of 12 to 15 feet in Narragansett Bay, destroying coastal homes and entire fleets of boats at yacht clubs and marinas. The waters of the bay surged into Providence harbor around 5 p.m., rapidly submerging the downtown area of Rhode Island’s capital under more than 13 feet of water. Many people were swept away.

The hurricane then raced northward across Massachusetts, gaining speed again and causing great flooding. In Milton, south of Boston, the Blue Hill Observatory recorded one of the highest wind gusts in history, an astounding 186 mph. Boston was hit hard, and “Old Ironsides”–the historic ship U.S.S. Constituição–was torn from its moorings in Boston Navy Yard and suffered slight damage. Hundreds of other ships were not so lucky.

The hurricane lost intensity as it passed over northern New England, but by the time the storm reached Canada around 11 p.m. it was still powerful enough to cause widespread damage. The Great New England Hurricane finally dissipated over Canada that night.

All told, 700 people were killed by the hurricane, 600 of them in Long Island and southern New England. Some 700 people were injured. Nearly 9,000 homes and buildings were destroyed, and 15,000 damaged. Nearly 3,000 ships were sunk or wrecked. Power lines were downed across the region, causing widespread blackouts. Innumerable trees were felled, and 12 new inlets were created on Long Island. Railroads were destroyed and farms were obliterated. Total damages were $306 million, which equals $18 billion in today’s dollars.


Forgotten History: How The New England Colonists Embraced The Slave Trade

American slavery predates the founding of the United States. Wendy Warren, author of New England Bound, says the early colonists imported African slaves and enslaved and exported Native Americans.

Slavery and Colonization in Early America

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This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. The ugliest chapter of American history, slavery, started earlier than you might think, in the early days of the New England colonies. Not only did some colonists import African slaves, they enslaved and exported Native Americans. My guest, Wendy Warren, scoured original documents from the 1600s, including ledgers, letters and wills for her new book, "New England Bound: Slavery And Colonization In Early America." She's an assistant professor in the department of history at Princeton University.

Wendy Warren, welcome to FRESH AIR. Why did you want to write about slavery in the New England colonies?

WENDY WARREN: This project started as a fluke encounter with a passage in the middle of a 17th century travelogue written by a man named John Josselyn, who was an amateur scientist and who had come to the New England colonies on a sort of fact-finding mission for potential investors back home. So he wrote about the animals and plants he saw in New England for people who were very interested in what North America looked like. It was a new world to them, although not to Indians. And his role was to tell them what he saw.

In the middle of this travelogue, he wrote about an encounter he had had one morning while staying at the house of a man named Samuel Maverick, who owned an island in Boston's harbor. And Josselyn woke up, he said, to the sound of a woman crying at his window. When he went to ask her what was wrong, she sort of wailed at him but he couldn't understand what she was saying. So he went to Samuel Maverick to ask what had happened. And Samuel Maverick told him that he had wanted to have a, quote, "breed of negroes," and to that end, he had ordered an enslaved African man that he owned to, quote, "go to bed to her, willed she, nilled she." So willy-nilly, she wanted him to or not. And the man had done so. He had raped her. And she had been very upset by this and came the next morning to John Josselyn's window and complained about it.

So I read this story and I was struck. I was struck by two things, really. According to what I knew of American slavery, the development of chattel slavery in North America, it wasn't supposed to be happening this early, that it took the English a while to figure out how you could use chattel slavery. In particular, the idea that slavery could be inherited - that the child of an enslaved woman would be enslaved is an idea that you have to formulate. And American historians had said that that didn't happen till much later in the century, really with the development of cash crops. But this was happening in 1638. That was - struck me as odd.

And the second thing that was odd was of course where. It was in Boston. It was in New England, which never has a cash crop and isn't associated with slavery really at all, certainly not chattel slavery, and certainly not that early, which is the moment of stern Puritans in black hats. It didn't seem right to me.

GROSS: So you used the word chattel slavery. What was chattel slavery mean?

WARREN: So chattel slavery is commodified slavery. It's where people have a price. They can be bought and sold. It's where you have a price on your head.

GROSS: So what surprised me, too, reading your book was not just how early slavery had started in New England but also that Indians were enslaved.

WARREN: That's right. Indians were enslaved. It's not the primary objective of the English when they go to North America. What they want is the land. But the - there are Indians all over North America, of course, and they're not readily usable, I guess, as labor in the way that the Spanish - so the Spanish in Latin America encounter sedentary civilizations, large sedentary civilizations, and by sort of allying or co-opting the authorities who are already in charge of those sedentary civilizations, they are able to harness the labor to their own ends.

But that doesn't exist in North America. You have much more mobile populations, smaller, more scattered populations. And they're not useful as a labor force. The English, moreover, want the land really. They want to settle. They want to establish what we call a settler colony, where large numbers of English people come over of both sexes and what they want is to establish sort of satellite little Englands or New Englands. In that sense, Indians are in the way. Some of them are removed by wars. So a very bloody process of.

GROSS: And removed, you mean, like, killed?

WARREN: Killed or displaced. Some, it turns out, are actually sold, war captives. About a thousand at least, maybe, are sold to the West Indies, part of the Atlantic slave trade.

GROSS: Yeah, so it's just a really weird thing happening in New England. They're importing slaves from the West Indies, slaves who came from Africa, and at the same time, the New England colonists are exporting Indian slaves. And so, like, one logical question is since you have this back and forth trade of slaves - I just feel weird even asking this kind of thing about human beings, but - how come the New England colonists didn't use their Indian slaves as opposed to exporting them and as opposed to having to import slaves from the West Indies?

WARREN: Well, when you're dealing with chattel slavery and you're going to keep slaves under pretty violent conditions, it's safer, I guess, to export them, so African slaves are exported far from their land of origin. It's harder for them to rebel, run away. And I think keeping enslaved Indians, similarly, in New England would be very dangerous.

They have friends and kin around who might rescue them. They know the terrain. It's easier to sell them at a slight profit to the West Indies. And so in some cases - not in all cases, but in some cases, that was done.

GROSS: What kind of numbers are we talking?

WARREN: Well, the numbers are tricky but certainly hundreds, perhaps as many as a thousand are sold out. It's all very hard to quantify.

GROSS: So you write that slavery and colonization went hand in hand. In what respect?

WARREN: So New England is a group of colonies - what we call New England is a group of colonies on the periphery of the English Empire, so to speak. They're not very important, seemingly. You know, they don't have a cash crop. They're not very profitable in and of themselves. But what they can do is carry and provide for the West Indies, which are really, really important because they're growing sugar, the crop of this time.

And so New England, while it never has a very large population of slaves within the colonial borders, is deeply connected to the West Indies. So New England we - again, we think of it as this place of pious people doing some sort of pious labor. And they're succeeding through, you know, the Puritan work ethic.

To some extent, that's true, I suppose. But it's also very true that they're deeply connected to this other kind of colonization, this other kind of world going on further south in the Caribbean.

GROSS: So the sugar, the tobacco that they were relying on, you know, early in the history of the English colonies in New England, that all came from the West Indies, which relied on African slaves for labor.

WARREN: Right, so in the West Indies, you have one of the most deadly forms of slavery ever invented, sugar slavery. But it's also hugely profitable. So you have large numbers of African slaves being imported into these islands where you're growing this crop, sugar, which is making immense profits. But it's killing these slaves at huge rates as well - 50 percent mortality rates and higher in these islands.

Because sugar is so profitable, these islands are given over entirely to this crop, which means they're not growing their own food. They don't have wood to create houses, and they don't - they're not bothering to be the carriers of the produce of what they're producing. New England merchants are happy to step in here.

So by the 1660s, 1670s, for example, in Boston's harbor, one historian has estimated over half the ships are going directly to or from the West Indies. And that's a lot. That's a strong connection early on in these Puritan colonies to this deadly enterprise going on down in the south.

GROSS: If you're just joining us, my guest is historian Wendy Warren. We're talking about her new book "New England Bound: Slavery And Colonization In Early America." Let's take a short break here, and we'll talk some more. This is FRESH AIR.

GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. And if you're just joining us, my guest is historian Wendy Warren who teaches at Princeton. She's the author of the new book "New England Bound: Slavery And Colonization In Early America." So when we think of the Puritans in New England, we think of them as having come here for religious freedom.

But there were some Puritans who actually owned enslaved Africans. And it's hard to reconcile this vision of religious freedom with the practice of slavery. How was that reconciled? Like, what was their justification that they used to justify this to themselves?

WARREN: Well, I wouldn't say that they came for religious freedom, or I guess I would limit that a little and say they came for freedom for themselves, to practice as they wish. But they certainly weren't embracing any sort of melting pot. They were actually quite exclusive of anyone they felt veered from their doctrine.

GROSS: Not about diversity (laughter).

WARREN: No, they were not about diversity. They were, in fact, leaving because they wanted more exclusive control over what was appropriate. So if they were exceptionally exclusive, they were not unusual in embracing slavery. The Bible approved of it, they felt. And the English approved of it, so did all of Europe. It wasn't anything anyone was questioning at the time.

And so in that sense, they weren't very exceptional at all. They didn't have any problem with slavery.

GROSS: And even, like, John Winthrop, who wrote about the Puritan mission in New England and wrote the famous phrase about we shall be as a city upon a hill, his son - was it? - became a slave owner.

WARREN: Right, so several of his sons were involved in West Indian slavery. Some of them were trading with the West Indies pretty aggressively. Samuel Winthrop, I think, was his 12th son and owned a plantation in Antigua. I think when he died, he owned 60 slaves. John Winthrop Jr., who stayed in New England mostly, owned slaves.

And Henry Winthrop, who was kind of the family ne'er-do-well, went early to Barbados and tried to get into cash crops and slavery. At no point did John Winthrop Sr. object to any of this, and nor is there any reason he should have, according to the temper of the times.

GROSS: I have to say, when I was in school, and I'm talking about, like, you know, grade school, high school, during the times when we learned about slavery, we never learned about slavery in the North. We never learned about the enslavement of Native Americans. Did you?

WARREN: No, I mean, No. I grew up in California. We hardly learned about New England at all, to be sure.

GROSS: (Laughter) Oh, we had to sing songs about the Pilgrims growing up in Brooklyn.

WARREN: No, it was a little exotic for us, New England. But I just had two kids go through kindergarten. They both did sort of the pilgrim play for Thanksgiving. And it wasn't exactly what I write about, I should say. There's a lot more friendly - you know, the term colonial New England, when I encounter people in airplanes or wherever I encounter people who find out I'm a historian, and they hear colonial America or colonial New England, colonial, that adjective, is really just a place marker for them.

It's this synonym with ye old or quaint. You know, it doesn't mean what it actually means, which is the process of colonization, this bloody process of removal and replacement and clearing of land and warfare. It's just - it's very sanitized in the mind - and of my students. They don't really know what happened.

So I don't think you're alone in not having learned about the role of slavery. And you're certainly not alone in maybe not of learning about what colonial New England was about or colonial America.

GROSS: For the colonists who came here, how familiar were they with the institution of slavery? England was a slave trading country, but how many slaves were actually in England?

WARREN: I don't know how many slaves were in England. We know that Elizabeth complained in 1596, I think. She said that there were too many slaves in London - she meant African slaves - too many already. So they're involved. John Hawkins is a famous trader early on in the 16th century. His coat of arms actually has a slave on it, a man in bondage, an African slave.

The English get to colonization later than the Spanish and Portuguese. They're a little - England's behind the times, you could say. So they rushed to catch up in the 17th century. The Spanish have already been in Latin America by that point since, you know, 1492. So the English are over a century behind the Portuguese and Spanish.

In a way, that helps them because many things have been established already. They don't have to figure everything out from scratch. They've heard what the Spanish have encountered. So things are less surprising, certainly. But they're behind the times.

GROSS: So the first documents kind of legalizing slavery and setting out the justification and legalization come from the New England colonies. And the first one is in 1641, ironically named the Body of Liberties. You're right, it's based on the Magna Carta. And there's this phrase in it that says it is ordered by this court and the authority thereof that there shall never be any bond slavery or captivity among us unless it be lawful captives taken in just wars and such strangers as willingly sell themselves or are sold to us.

I mean, wow, it's basically saying there will not be any slavery unless we buy the slaves. (Laughter) I mean, am I interpreting that incorrectly?

WARREN: No, I think that's right. You know, they're Puritan. They're concerned about - they have a sort of legalistic mind that you could almost say, are they doing things by the book, literally? They're very invested in one particular book. And so they write down these laws in 1641, which are based on English law, based on many precedents.

But there is this line, as you just quoted, that suggests initially if you read it, that there isn't going to be any slavery. And then there's this unless that's so capacious as to negate the whole first part of the line. And then in fact, they do have bond slavery. And they have it very early.

They have it at the time those laws are written, as evidenced by what Samuel Maverick is doing in Boston's harbor.

GROSS: So then other colonies adopt laws. There's the Connecticut code of laws of 1646. And that made reference to Indian and African slavery as a legitimate form of punishment for wrongdoing. Would you explain that?

WARREN: Oh, well, it seems that slavery is a legitimate punishment. It seems that if you committed certain crimes and you were a certain kind of person, although sometimes English people are sent away initially in the - early in the century, that perpetual slavery is a punishment you could face, which is very interesting.

And so early on in the 1640s in Connecticut, they're acknowledging that there's a trade out of the region, that you could be sold out of the region or kept in the region as a perpetual slave.

GROSS: So would this mean that if you were a Native American and did anything that was considered lawbreaking by the colonists' laws, such as resisting colonization, that you therefore could be legally enslaved?

WARREN: Well, sure. And this is where the idea of just wars comes into play. They say if you've been captured in a just war, and, of course, the wars of colonization for most English colonists are just wars because they're bringing Christianity and civilization to this land. So by nature - by definition, they're just wars.

GROSS: And the people who are writing the laws are the people who are behind all of this, so of course they're going to be just in those people's mind.

WARREN: Yes, as is always the case throughout history, (laughter) that seems to be the case here as well. So if you're fighting against the English, you are, by definition, you know, a combatant in an unjust - you're on the unjust side. And so, yes, you could be sold for perpetual slave.

GROSS: You write about how terrifying it must have been for Africans who were taken away on slave ships, who survived The Middle Passage coming to, in this case, the islands of the Caribbean, and then having to be forced to board another ship to New England, which is what happened to some of the Africans who were enslaved.

They didn't know where they were going. They didn't know how long the voyage would be. And surviving The Middle Passage was, you know, almost impossible, I think. So to endure that and then have to go back on a ship must have been just incomprehensibly horrible, terrifying.

WARREN: Yeah, I mean, these records - this is a horrible period to write about. And certainly, it's not hard to get overwhelmed by the trauma that these people must have endured. In the 17th century, if you ended up in New England, you had almost certainly been taken from West Africa. So you had undergone a traumatic removal from your own family in a war or a raid, already sort of a life-altering experience most people would have a hard time recovering from.

Even undergone The Middle Passage - up to three months in a horrible early modern ship, tight packed in for maximum efficiency and probably also maximum discomfort, huge mortality rates onboard, very violent experience - you end up in Barbados. Almost certainly, most ships in the 17th century went first to the West Indies. So you've seen sugar slavery - as I said, one of the deadliest institutions known in early modern history.

And then but what is, as you point out, interesting to me is if you ended up in New England at some point, you almost certainly got back on another ship. While we don't have any records, I mean, to write this book required a lot of - developing a lot of empathy with the time period and sort of trying to understand what happened.

But certainly, what happened is you got on another boat and you didn't know where you were going. So I've always wondered, did you think you were going to repeat The Middle Passage and go somewhere worse? And how on earth did you get on the boat, if that was what you thought? Did you have any idea where you were going?

And when you got off the boat in New England, what on earth did you think? And I know that one thing that must've struck any enslaved African who got off the boat in Boston or Salem, was just how few other Africans would have been around for the first time because Barbados was heavily populated - I mean, was heavily majority enslaved Africans.

GROSS: My guest is Wendy Warren, author of the new book "New England Bound: Slavery And Colonization In Early America." We'll talk more after a break. Also, rock historian Ed Ward will tell us about an obscure American band that helped kick off London's pub rock movement. And writer Sarah Hepola will explain how giving up drinking led her to rethink casual sex.

I'm Terry Gross, and this is FRESH AIR.

GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross back with historian Wendy Warren, the author of a new book about slavery in the New England colonies called "New England Bound: Slavery And Colonization In Early America." It's based in part on original documents from the 1600s, including journals, letters, ledgers and wills.

So the first anti-slavery publication was published in 1700. It was called "The Selling Of Joseph" by Samuel Sewall. He was a wealthy Boston merchant and chief justice of the Massachusetts Superior Court. What did this publication advocate?

WARREN: So Samuel Sewall's an interesting guy. He was involved in the Salem witchcraft trials, and he was the only judge to later publicly recant his participation in those trials. He stood up in front of a congregation and apologized. He said he was wrong. So he's a man given to self reflection. He's not above humbling himself in public. And he writes this pamphlet called "The Selling Of Joseph" in which he says, basically, he's troubled by the numbers of slaves that he sees in Boston and he wonders if this is an OK thing. And he says, no, it's not, that this is not God's work, that we're bringing these slaves and then we're not helping them and it's wrong.

And it's a startling pamphlet to read. What's more interesting to me - so people often put him in sort of - he's the origin of a lineage of Northern anti-slavery sentiment. But what's more interesting to me is that he's actually, for his time, wrong. A man named John Saffin responds to him and rebuts him point for point. And according to the thought of the time, Saffin is right. He says, no, what are you talking about? There's a hierarchy in the world. God developed this hierarchy. Some people are born to serve, and this is them and the Bible justifies this.

He says, moreover, it's not wrong to take them from Africa because we're Christianizing them, you know, what do you mean that that isn't right? Of course we're saving them.

And Sewall's pamphlet falls into oblivion, really. It's not, (laughter), it's not welcomed by anyone in the region. His own son later advertises for slaves. So even in his own family, he has little effect.

GROSS: So you read a lot of documents from the period, from the 1600s when you were doing your book, and I'm interested in hearing about the experience of reading these documents - wills, ledgers, journals - that talk in very, like, straightforward terms about slavery, you know, just, like, that's a fact of life, it's what these people do. They own slaves. They buy slaves. They sell slaves.

Did you get your hands on original documents?

WARREN: Oh, yeah. A lot of the book is original manuscripts, which historians call primary sources. So it's reading handwriting from the 17th century, the archaic spelling. In fact my spelling has gone to pot because I know, you know, I read so many idiosyncratic spellings of words. They're all over New England Archives, these manuscripts. And, yes, as you said, they they sort of casually mentioned slavery in the oddest places. You know, I was reading a cobbler account book and turned the page, and they made six pairs of shoes for - the word they used is [expletive], which means, you know, African slaves. They're doing - they're making a different sort of shoe, is the implication for an African slave, probably a lesser quality shoe. And then there's these tragic stories that appeared throughout the records.

So one problem with my source base is that enslaved people usually only appear in records when they've run afoul of authorities. In that sense, it's a skewed population that in that I'm mostly dealing with people who have committed some sort of offense, and that's probably not how most people live their lives. Most people get along and sort of live normal lives. I saw a lot of people when they're caught in fornication records, particularly pregnant people because the evidence is very visible, and those cases could be very sad and compelling. There was one case.

GROSS: Can I interrupt here and say that fornication, marriage, having children - those were all outlawed for slaves.

WARREN: Some people did it, but technically it's not approved of. sim.

GROSS: So it's criminal if you did?

WARREN: Yes. Fornication for everyone - that is, say, sex outside of marriage, is an infraction that has to be dealt with.

GROSS: But probably not if you're a slave owner raping a slave?

GROSS: That's probably - that's probably acceptable under the law.

WARREN: Yeah, maybe. I don't know of any - there weren't any instances where slave owners were accused of doing that in the records I looked at, although certainly we know from other places where slavery happened that that very well may have happened. There are pregnant slaves where fathers aren't named, and it would be very easy to place suspicion upon an owner or someone around in a position of authority, but that never came to light in these records.

But there are very tragic cases. There's a woman who's impregnated. She's Indian, and she's in a house in Weymouth, Mass., and she's having a horrible pregnancy. And the woman who owns her, her mistress, you know, brings another colonist to examine her and they talk about how bad the pregnancy has been. There's discharge, and she's in pain. And it sounds horrible, as pregnancy could be for early modern women. So they bring in other women to examine her. There's some concern about the pregnancy. The baby's eventually stillborn. But what's interesting to me is this woman doesn't give birth in the house of her owner when she feels labor coming on. She runs away and goes to a house of an Indian family nearby. And what's interesting to me about that is how her actions sort of give lie to protestations of benevolence from her owners even though they've brought in people to take care of her and look at her pregnancy and inspect her, when labor happened, she leaves them and she goes somewhere else for support.

GROSS: Isn't one of your areas of research now sexuality during slavery, in slave systems?

WARREN: Now it is. Yes, after this book.

GROSS: After this book. And why are you researching that?

WARREN: You know, it's interesting to think of how people fulfill basic needs in systems that try to prevent that. Right now I'm interested in enslaved women who find themselves in the Caribbean in long-term relationships with their owners and how they navigate what is essentially a long-term situation of rape from which they derive some material benefits. I'm interested in what that experience is like in a situation where you're never allowed to refuse and yet you're somehow differentiated from your peers because of this special situation your owner has put you into.

GROSS: So in the work that you're doing now researching sexual relationships in slave systems, it's basically going to be a lot of rape.

GROSS: And that's going to be - just strikes me it's going to be a very, like, difficult subject to write about on two levels. One, finding the documentation. And two, I mean, that's a lot of suffering in addition to the suffering of just being enslaved and not having freedom, you're also being raped.

WARREN: Yeah, it's not - it wasn't an easy experience, slavery or colonization, to be colonized. And it's not easy to research, I'll say that. You take a lot of breaks. But I think it's important. It's rewarding in a way to bring these people, their experience, to life.

GROSS: I found it interesting in your acknowledgements at the end of the book, you thank Yale Graduate School's parents' support and relief policy, the U.K. statutory maternity leave and Princeton's family-friendly leave policies. And you write, (reading) Many people, mostly feminists, fought long and hard to achieve these kinds of policies and I'm very grateful to have benefited from their victories.

I was really glad that you chose to include that in the acknowledgements. And maybe you can describe a little bit how that enabled you as a mother to continue doing your work and to continue to have a career.

WARREN: You know, I had parent leaves, and people don't usually thank inanimate statutes in their acknowledgments, but I thought in this case - when I left graduate school, my cohort of friends scattered. Some went to wealthy institutions and some went to places that didn't have parent leave policies. And I thought it was worth acknowledging that I had been to places with generous policies and that they did help me write, I think, a better book and helped me keep my sanity (laughter).

GROSS: So the more that historians like you uncover about early American history and the American colonies and how slavery dates back that far, do you think that Americans need to constantly re-evaluate who we are as Americans and how our history was built? We certainly know a lot about slavery in the South. We're learning more about slavery in the North. But it sounds like understanding about slavery in the colonies, that that's still pretty new territory.

WARREN: I mean, I think speaking as and for colonialists, it would be great if we knew more about sort of the first two centuries of European colonization of North America. And it would be great if we understood that it wasn't a pleasant process, that it was time of warfare and brutality and a lot of fear and trauma. And it would be great if we understood that slavery was there right from the beginning, that it was embedded in the process of colonization, that in some cases it drove the process of colonization. I think that would be fantastic. What would it do for us? You know, as a country, I don't know, maybe offer us a little bit of humility about the origins. The Puritan story tends to be held up as an exemplar of a sort of noble endeavor. And while I think the Puritans had some sort of really idealistic goals, they lived in a pretty muddy world, and it's hard to keep your hands clean in that kind of world. And when it came to slavery, their hands weren't clean. Nobody's hands were clean.

GROSS: Wendy Warren, thank you so much for filling in on a chapter of very early American history that a lot of people don't know much about. Thank you for joining us.

WARREN: It was my pleasure. Obrigado por me receber.

GROSS: Wendy Warren is the author of the new book, "New England Bound: Slavery And Colonization In Early America."

After a break, rock historian Ed Ward will tell us about an American band that helped start London's pub rock scene in the '70s. This is FRESH AIR.

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